Rouble Nationalization – the Way to Russia’s Freedom. Nikolay Starikov
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Название: Rouble Nationalization – the Way to Russia’s Freedom

Автор: Nikolay Starikov

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Жанр: История

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isbn: 978-5-459-01703-8

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СКАЧАТЬ economic contracts. That would mean giving the USSR a loan of 200 million marks for seven years and supply quality equipment for this amount. This contract would come first and then it would be possible to discuss a non-aggression treaty.[112]

      On 19th August, 1939 Hitler and Ribbentrop sent Schulenburg to Moscow again. He passes a proposition to sign a treaty which would consist of two provisions:

      Germany and the USSR shall not under any conditions resort to the use of violence against each other. The proposed duration of the treaty was 25 years.

      As an addition Germany was to use its influence to help improve the relations between Moscow and Tokyo. The last provision was crucial. It meant that signing the treaty with Germany would also solve the USSR's second problem, that being the constant aggression from Japan. This was a very serious argument. Incited by Great Britain and the USA, Japan invaded China back in the thirties[113] and started gradually biting off bits of Chinese land approaching the Russian borders. According to the English plan, the USSR was going to be attacked by Japan in the east and Germany in the west. This was to be a two-front war for the USSR, not for Germany. And the first front had already been opened. On 11th May, 1939 a regular Japanese army attacked the Mongolian frontier posts.

      When the German ambassador proposed to Stalin the signing of the non-aggression pact, Tokyo was considered to be Berlin's ally. Meanwhile, heavy fighting was talking place at the Khalkhyn Gol River in Mongolia. The Japanese planned an offensive operation on 24th August, 1939. Instead, it was the Red Army that started an offensive on 20th August, 1939, that is to say on the day after the Germans offered their mediation in reconciliation with Japan. To make the Japanese more willing to negotiate it was necessary to beat them up well first.

      To assess the actions undertaken by the Soviet officials properly, one needs to realise that the negotiations with the Germans and the battles with the Japanese were happening at the same time. And Berlin did not just offer its friendship: the Germans could actually persuade the Japanese to put an end to the conflict. Pursuing a war against Russia on its own was an extremely difficult task for Japan, if at all feasible.[114] And a non-aggression treaty between Berlin and Moscow would be a perfect excuse for Tokyo to stop fighting. It would be only natural to ask the following question at this point: was there a different way to influence Japan? No, because it would have required a will to stop the war between the USSR and Japan, and this is exactly what was lacking. The situation was, in fact, quite the opposite: the English were trying to organise a rebellion in the Chinese province of Xinjiang.[115] Why did the British need that? Because it was through that province that the USSR supplied support to China and Russian weapons and counsellors helped to strengthen China, thereby weakening the Japanese troops which confronted the Red Army. By blocking the route by which Russian weapons and equipment were supplied, the English were sabotaging the fight of the Chinese and strengthening the Japanese, helping them to aggravate the conflict with Russia…

      Credit where credit is due. Stalin did realise how serious Germany's intentions were and did understand why they were in such a hurry. Therefore, despite the problems with the Japanese, he decided to take advantage of the situation with as much profit for the USSR as possible. The Germans asked to meet a minister in Moscow. The English sent someone with no particular position or authority. The situation was very telling…

      During his visit to Moscow, the German ambassador, Schulenburg, received quite a specific response from Molotov: provided that the economic agreements were signed on the same day, 19th August, Ribbentrop could come a week later, on 26th or 27th August. When it was suggested that Ribbentrop could arrive earlier, Molotov objected that it was too early to speak of that before the first stage, that is the economic negotiations, had been accomplished. It was about 3 p.m., 19th August, 1939.[116] The officials in Berlin were panicking: time was running out very fast. The Russians were being polite but did not cast any light upon the situation. And all of a sudden they said that without a loan of 200 million marks there could be no progress in the relations. What was Berlin to do? Did Hitler want to credit Stalin? Of course not. He needed money himself to finance his preparations for a war with Poland. But he had no choice. Stalin used the good old Anglo-Saxon trick in the negotiations: having created a problem, he was 'selling' ways to solve it. Today, the USA funds international terrorism and then fights it.[117] The Kremlin lingered and then suddenly offered to speed up the negotiations through financing the USSR until 1946. And to achieve a positive result, the USSR used a carrot after using a stick. Half an hour after saying that Ribbentrop could come a week later, the German ambassador was summoned to Molotov again.

      He was presented with the Soviet project of the non-aggression treaty drafted in compliance with all the rules. This is the version that was signed later on with insignificant amendments. This was an ordinary treaty; there was nothing special about it except for one detail: the draft did not specify that the document would lose become null and void should one of the parties attack a third party.[118] Let us just keep this fact in mind and proceed. This piece of information will be very useful later.

      On 20th August (at 2 a. m.) a trade and credit agreement was urgently signed. The USSR was to receive a loan of 200 million marks that the country could spend on German equipment and pay back with raw material and food.[119]

      So, Germany did what the Kremlin had been asking for: the economic agreement was signed. Hitler, completely exhausted, went to bed at seven in the morning on 20th August. But there was still no clarity from the Russians and the only date proposed by them for the arrival of the German delegation remained the same: 26-27th August, 1939. This was too late for Berlin. And then Hitler decided to speed things up. On 20th August, 1939 he sat down and wrote a personal letter to Stalin. They had never been in correspondence or spoken before. But Hitler had no time to act according to the official procedures: the attack against Poland was planned for 26th August and there was no time to spare. 'Nevertheless, I repeat my proposition to accept my Foreign minister on 22nd August or 23rd August at the latest'[120], said Hitler in his letter. On 21 August, 1939 at 15:00 the German ambassador, Count Schulenburg, presented Hitler's letter in Moscow. Just two hours later, at 17:00, Vyacheslav Molotov gave the German ambassador the response of the head of the USSR.[121] Stalin replied practically immediately.

      '21st August, 1939.

      To the Reichschancellor of Germany, Mr. A. Hitler

      Thank you for the letter.

      I do hope that the поп-aggression treaty between Germany and the Soviet Union will he a pivotal moment in the history of political relations between our countries and will contribute to their improvement.

      The peoples of our countries need peaceful relations. The agreement of the German government to sign a поп-aggression treaty will serve as a basis to eliminate political tensions and establish peace and cooperation between our two countries.

      The Soviet government authorised me to let you know that it agrees to see Mr. Ribbentrop in Moscow on 23rd August.

      J. Stalin'[122]

      The economic agreement that the USSR needed had already been signed and the funds would be received. A non-aggression pact with the Germans could now be signed, СКАЧАТЬ



<p>112</p>

Ibid. P. 148-149.

<p>113</p>

Here are just some facts. Great Britain was Japan's ally during the Russo-Japanese war of 1904-1905. As a result of the war. Japan annexed Korea, which went unnoticed by the Anglo-Saxons. After the Japanese invasion of China, despite enormous casualties on the Chinese side, Great Britain blocked all accusations of Japan's aggression as a member of the League of Nations. In total, between 1931 and 1945 as a result of the Japanese aggression, 35 million people died in China (Narochnickaya N. A., Falin V. M. The Score of the Second World War. Who started the war and when? Moscow: Veche, 2009. P. 54). And finally, while the delegations from England and France were getting ready for negotiations in Moscow, on 24th July 1939 London and Tokyo signed a treaty which completely recognised the existing situation in China'. This was a blessing for a war with Russia. For a full-scale war…

<p>114</p>

Russia did not lose the war with Japan in 1905. We were forced to sign a peace treaty! Russia was forced to do that by means of revolutionary action, strikes, terrorist attacks and 'mutinies' in the fleet. All revolution was the result of excellent work of the foreign special services. For example, the mutiny on the Potemkin started with a soup in which the sailors found living worms. Their indignation was just – they were being fed rotten food! And it did not occur to anyone that boiling the soup would have surely killed the worms and there was no way they could still be alive. Someone purposely threw living worms into the food AFTER it had been cooked. And this is just one of the examples: the most telling one. The peace negotiations were initiated by… Japan. Two days after the battle of Tsushima the Japanese offered a peace treaty. Because they realised that it was impossible to win a long war with Russia. You can read more on how the English were forcing Nikolas II to sign the peace treaty with the help of the revolutionaries (and most importantly, why?) in: StarikovN. Who funds disintegration of Russia. From Decembrists to Mujahids. St. Petersburg: Piter, 2010.

<p>115</p>

NarochnickayaN. A., Falin V.M. The Score of the Second World War. Who started the war and when? Moscow: Veche, 2009. P. 81.

<p>116</p>

NarochnickayaN. A., Falin V.M. The Score of the Second World War. Who started the war and when? Moscow: Veche, 2009. P. 149.

<p>117</p>

For more information on this subject see: Starikov N. Cherchez la Oil. St. Petersburg: Piter, 2010.

<p>118</p>

Narochnickaya N. A., Falin V.M. The Score of the Second World War. Who started the war and when? Moscow: Veche, 2009. P. 150.

<p>119</p>

Very often, to demonstrate Stalin's silliness or cowardice, people mention the trains full of crops which crossed the Russian-German border up until 22 June. But it was not due to cowardice or fear; the USSR was paying back its loan. Or do those who condemn Stalin not pay their loans back? First, Germany supplied machines, weapons and a lot of other things to the USSR, and then the USSR paid the debt back over several years. It was a bargain. It is not the USSR that financed Hitler, but Hitler who financed the USSR. Stalin squeezed everything possible out of Hitler. Who can say exactly how much of the loan we paid back before the beginning of the war and how much was left? Who remembered our debt in 1946 when the loan contract expired? If this is not a victory of the Russian diplomacy, then what is a victory?!

<p>120</p>

Bulok A. Hitler and Stalin. Smolensk: Rusich, 1994. P. 237.

<p>121</p>

Falin V. The Second Front. Anti-Hitler Coalition: conflict of interest. Moscow: Centrpoligraph, 2000. P. 121.

<p>122</p>

The Year of Crisis. 1938-1939: Documents and Materials: 2 Volumes. Moscow: Izdatelstvo politicheskoy literatury, 1990. V. 2. P. 303.