Villainage in England: Essays in English Mediaeval History. Paul Vinogradoff

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СКАЧАТЬ sua maritanda, et debuit plures alias consuetudines et petierunt respectum ut assensum habere possent a domino Roberto de Lexintona utrum hoc esset liberum tenementum ex quo sciunt quid debuit facere et quid non et nullum respectum habere potuerunt.'

122

Example—Bract. Note-book, pl. 1887. Fitzherbert, Abr. Villen. 38 (13 Ed. I): 'Quia predictus J. nullam probacionem producit neque sectam et cognoscit quod ille est in seisina … de patre predicti W. quem potuit produxisse ad probacionem, consideratum est quod predicti W. et R. liberi maneant.'

123

Bracton, f. 199. The jury came in only by consent of the parties.

124

Britton, i. 207; Fitzherbert, Abr. Villen. 37.

125

Court Rolls of Havering atte Bower, Essex, Augment. Off. Rolls, xiv. 38. (Curia—die Jovis proxima ante festum St. Bartholomaei Apostoli anno r. r. Ricardi II, 21mo.) 'Inquisicio … dicit … quod non est aliquis homo natiuus de sanguine ingressus feodum domini, set dicunt quod est quidam Johannes Shillyng qui Sepius dictus fuerat natiuus. Et dicunt ultra quod quidam Johannes Shillyng pater predicti Johannis fuit alienigena et quod predictus Johannes Shillyng quod ad eorum cognitionem est liber et libere condicionis et non natiuus.'

126

Fitzherbert, Abr. Villen. 32 (H. 19 Edw. II).

127

Ibid. 5 (13 Edw. I).

128

Fitzherbert, l. c.: 'E ce issu fuit trie par gents de paiis ou le maner est e nemi ou il nasquist par touts les justices.'

129

Rotuli Parliam. ii. 192. Hargrave's argument in the Negro Somerset's case is very good on all these points. Howell, State Trials, xx. 38, 39.

130

Bracton, 201; Britton, i. 202 sq.

131

Bracton, f. 6, and on many other occasions.

132

Co. Lit. 137, b. Cf. King Henry I's writ in favour of the Monastery of Abingdon. Bigelow, Placita Anglo-Normannica, 96: 'Facias habere F. abbati omnes homines suos qui de terra sua exierunt propter herberiam curie mee.' Henry II puts it the other way, p. 220: 'Nisi sunt in dominio meo.'

133

A most curious pleading based on the conceptions of Glanville occurs in a Cor. Rege case of 10 Henry III, which was pointed out to me by F. Maitland. See App. IV. Mr. York Powell suggests that the limitation may have originated in the fact, that in early times a man could no more give away a slave from his family estate without the consent of the family than he could give away the estate itself or part of it. There was no reason for such limitation in the case of a slave that had been bought with one's private money. Hence the necessity of selling a slave in order to emancipate him. The conjecture seems a very probable one, but the question remains, how such ancient practice could have left a trace in the feudal period. The explanation in the text may possibly account for the tenacity of the notion.

134

Note-book, pl. 31, 343.

135

Bracton, f. 194, 195. Bracton's text has been rendered almost unintelligible here by the careless punctuation of his editors, and Sir Travers Twiss' translation is as wrong and misleading as usual. I will just give the passage in accordance with the reading of Digby, 222 (Bodleian Libr.), which is the best of all the MSS. I have seen: 'Quia esto quod seruus uelit manumitti et cum nichil habeat proprium eligat fidem alicuius qui eum emat quasi pro denariis suis, per talem emptionem non consequitur emptus aliquam libertatem nisi tantum quod mutat dominum. In re empta in primis solui debet pretium, postea sequitur traditio rei: soluitur hic pretium pro natiuo, set nulla subsequitur traditio, sed semper manet in uillenagio quo prius. Si tenementum adquirat tenendum libere et heres manumissoris uel alius successor eum eiciat, si petat per assisam et heres opponat uillenagium, et villanus replicet de manumissione et emptione, heres triplicare poterit, quod imperfecta fuit emptio siue manumissio eo quod nunquam in uita uenditoris subsecuta fuit traditio, et ita talis semper remanebit sub potestate heredis.'

136

Note-book, pl. 1749: 'Iudicatum est quod liber sit quantum ad heredem manumittentis et non quantum ad alios, quod iudicium non est uerum.'

137

Bracton, 209; cf. 7 and 200. Britton, ii. 13.

138

Bracton, 209: 'Villenagium privilegiatum … tenetur de Rege a Conquestu Angliae.' Cf. Blackstone, Law Tracts, ii. 128.

139

Madox, History of the Exchequer, i. 704: 'Tallagium dominiorum et escaetarum et custodiarum.'

140

Bract. Note-book, 1237 (the prior of St. Swithin denies a manor to be ancient demesne): '… per cc annos ante conquestum Anglie [terre] date fuerunt priori et conventui et ab aliis quam regibus.'

141

Y.B. Trin. 49 Edw. III, pl. 8 (Fitzherbert, Abr. Monstraver. 4): '… touts les demesnes qui fuerent en la maine Seint E. sont aunciens demesne, mesque ils fuerent aliens a estraunge mains quant le liver de Domesday se fist, come il avient del manor de Totenham qui fut en autre maine a temps de Domesday fait, come en le dit livers fait mencion, que il fuit adonques al Counte de Cestre.'

142

Very curious pleadings occurred in 1323. Y.B. 15 Edw. II, p. 455: 'Ber(wick) Ils dient en l'Exchequer que serra (corr. terra) R. serra ecrit sur le margin en cas ou cest ancien demene en Domesday, mes ceo fust escript sur le dyme foille apres sur un title terra R., mesine (corr. mes une or mesqe?) R. fuit escript sur le margin de chescun foille apres, e tout ceo la est anciene demene a ceo quil nient (corr. dient), mes ascunes gens entendent que les terres qui furent les demenes le Roy St. Edward sont auncien demene, e autres dient fors les terres que le Conquerour conquist, que furent en la seissin St. Edward le jour quil mourust sont anciene demene.' Although a difference of opinion is mentioned it is not material, for this reason, that the entry as Terra Regis, at least T.R.E., is absolutely required to prove a manor ancient demesne. I give the entry on the Plea Roll in App. V.

143

I think only distress can be implied by the remark of Bereford J. Y.B. 30/31 Edw. I, p. 19: 'Quant vous vendrez a loustel, fetes de vostre archevileyn ceo qe vous vodrez.' The words are strange and possibly corrupt.

144

Blackstone, Law Tracts, ii. 153: 'They cannot alienate tenements otherwise than by surrender into the lord's hand.' Bracton, 209.

145

In a most curious description of the customs of villain sokemen of Stoneleigh, Warwick, in the Register of Stoneleigh Abbey, I find the following entries: 'Item sokemanni predicti filias suas non possunt maritare sine licencia domini prout patet anno viij Regis E. filii Regis E. per rotulum curie in quo continetur quod Matildis de Canle in plena curia fecit finem cum domino pro ij sol. quia maritauit filiam suam Thome de Horwelle sine licencia domini.... Item anno Regis H. lvj continetur in rotulo curie quod Willelmus Michel fuit in misericordia quia maritauit filiam suam sine licencia domini et similiter decenarii fuerunt in misericordia quia hoc concelauerunt.' As to the Stoneleigh Register, see App. VI. Another instance of merchet in an ancient demesne manor is afforded by the Ledecumbe (Letcombe) Regis Court Rolls of 1272. Chapter House, County Bags, Berks. No. 3, m. 12: 'Johannes le Jeune se redemit ad maritandum et fecit finem xij sol.... Johannes Atwel redemit filiam suam anno predicto' (Record Office).

146

Henry II's charter to Stoneleigh Abbey: 'Quieta de schiris et hundredis, et murdro et danegeldo, et placitis et querelis, et geldis et auxiliis, et omni consuetudine et exactione' (Dugdale, Monasticon, v. 447).

147

Close Roll, 12 Henry III., m. 11, d: 'Monstrauerunt domino Regi homines de Esindene et de Beyford, quod occasione misericordiae c. librarum, in quam totus Comitatus Hertfordie incidit coram iusticiariis ultimo itinerantibus … hidagium quoddam assedit vicecomes super eos ad auxilium faciendum ceteris de comitatu ad misericordiam illam acquietandam et inde eos distringit. Quia vero predicti homines nec alii de dominicis domini Regis sectam faciunt ad comitatum et ea racione non tenentur ad misericordiam ceterorum de comitatu illo acquietandam auxilium facere aut inde participes esse, mandatum est vicecomiti Hertfordie quod homines СКАЧАТЬ