A Companion to Global Gender History. Группа авторов
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СКАЧАТЬ and nearly all wear jumpers and none of them carry sticks. This morning the majority were stripped to the waist.” A commission report, accepting uncritically Crawford’s unsubstantiated and false claim that the “women of loose character” from Doctor’s Farm attacked and looted warehouses, then made its own conflation of sexually immoral women and assault and asserted, wrongly, that the women at Opobo demanded, in addition to the abolition of taxation, that prostitutes not be arrested. “The solicitude [for prostitutes] thus shown throws a light upon the class of women of which the ringleaders were composed,” its authors stated. The commission reported that “the greater part, if not all, of the women were armed with stout cudgels and in place of the voluminous clothing usually worn by the native women in Opobo, were for the most part stripped to the waist and wore only loin cloths…. It was therefore [my italics] manifest that their intentions were hostile and that their attitude was far removed from that of women who were going to have a peaceful meeting with the District Officer.” Colonial officials regarded the women’s nudity as prima facie evidence that their “intentions were hostile” (Kent, 2009: 167, 168).

      The colonial encounter of Westerners and West Africans produced a series of misrecognition of actions and intentions based on the gendered worldviews of each respective party. Western concepts of gender map onto sexual difference, and assume a whole host of binaries, especially that of a public/private split for men and women; they often present relations between men and women as a battlefield from which one gender must necessarily emerge victorious, and regard victory in terms of privileges associated with masculinity in European and North American society. A historical ethnography of both the colonized and the colonizers reminds us that gender is not universal, natural, or static, but rather articulates meaning systems particular to each.

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