The Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion (Third Edition, Vol. 04 of 12). Frazer James George
Чтение книги онлайн.

Читать онлайн книгу The Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion (Third Edition, Vol. 04 of 12) - Frazer James George страница 18

СКАЧАТЬ Virgil compares their complicated evolutions to the windings of the Cretan labyrinth;189 and that the comparison is more than a mere poetical flourish appears from a drawing on a very ancient Etruscan vase found at Tragliatella. The drawing represents a procession of seven beardless warriors dancing, accompanied by two armed riders on horseback, who are also beardless. An inscription proves that the scene depicted is the Game of Troy; and attached to the procession is a figure of the Cretan labyrinth,190 the pattern of which is well known from coins of Cnossus on which it is often represented.191 The same pattern, identified by an inscription, “Labyrinthus, hic habitat Minotaurus,” is scratched on a wall at Pompeii; and it is also worked in mosaic on the floor of Roman apartments, with the figures of Theseus and the Minotaur in the middle.192 Roman boys appear to have drawn the very same pattern on the ground and to have played a game on it, probably a miniature Game of Troy.193 Labyrinths of similar type occur as decorations on the floors of old churches, where they are known as “the Road of Jerusalem”; they were used for processions. The garden mazes of the Renaissance were modelled on them. Moreover, they are found very commonly in the north of Europe, marked out either by raised bands of turf or by rows of stones. Such labyrinths may be seen in Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Finnland, the south coast of Russian Lappland, and even in Iceland. They go by various names, such as Babylon, Wieland's House, Trojeborg, Tröburg, and so forth, some of which clearly indicate their connexion with the ancient Game of Troy. They are used for children's games.194

      The dance at Cnossus perhaps an imitation of the sun's course in the sky.

      A dance or game which has thus spread over Europe and survived in a fashion to modern times must have been very popular, and bearing in mind how often with the decay of old faiths the serious rites and pageants of grown people have degenerated into the sports of children, we may reasonably ask whether Ariadne's Dance or the Game of Troy may not have had its origin in religious ritual. The ancients connected it with Cnossus and the Minotaur. Now we have seen reason to hold, with many other scholars, that Cnossus was the seat of a great worship of the sun, and that the Minotaur was a representative or embodiment of the sun-god. May not, then, Ariadne's dance have been an imitation of the sun's course in the sky? and may not its intention have been, by means of sympathetic magic, to aid the great luminary to run his race on high? We have seen that during an eclipse of the sun the Chilcotin Indians walk in a circle, leaning on staves, apparently to assist the labouring orb. In Egypt also the king, who embodied the sun-god, seems to have solemnly walked round the walls of a temple for the sake of helping the sun on his way.195 If there is any truth in this conjecture, it would seem to follow that the sinuous lines of the labyrinth which the dancers followed in their evolutions may have represented the ecliptic, the sun's apparent annual path in the sky. It is some confirmation of this view that on coins of Cnossus the sun or a star appears in the middle of the labyrinth, the place which on other coins is occupied by the Minotaur.196

      Conclusions as to the king of Cnossus.

On the whole the foregoing evidence, slight and fragmentary as it is, points to the conclusion that at Cnossus the king represented the sun-god, and that every eight years his divine powers were renewed at a great festival, which comprised, first, the sacrifice of human victims by fire to a bull-headed image of the sun, and, second, the marriage of the king disguised as a bull to the queen disguised as a cow, the two personating respectively the sun and the moon.

      Octennial festivals of the Crowning at Delphi and the Laurel-bearing at Thebes. Both represented dramatically the slaying of a water-dragon.

      Whatever may be thought of these speculations, we know that many solemn rites were celebrated by the ancient Greeks at intervals of eight years.197 Amongst them, two deserve to be noticed here, because it has been recently suggested, with some appearance of probability, that they were based on an octennial tenure of the kingship.198 One was the Festival of the Crowning at Delphi; the other was the Festival of the Laurel-bearing at Thebes. In their general features the two festivals seem to have resembled each other very closely. Both represented dramatically the slaying of a great water-dragon by a god or hero; in both, the lad who played the part of the victorious god or hero crowned his brows with a wreath of sacred laurel and had to submit to a penance and purification for the slaughter of the beast. At Delphi the legendary slayer of the dragon was Apollo; at Thebes he was Cadmus.199 At both places the legendary penance for the slaughter seems to have been servitude for eight years.200 The evidence for the rites of the Delphic festival is fairly complete, but for the Theban festival it has to be eked out by vase-paintings, which represent Cadmus crowned with laurel preparing to attack the dragon or actually in combat with the monster, while goddesses bend over the champion, holding out wreaths of laurel to him as the mede of victory.201 It is true that in historical times Apollo appears to have ousted Cadmus from the festival, though not from the myth. But at Thebes the god was plainly a late intruder, for his temple lay outside the walls, whereas the most ancient sanctuaries stood in the oldest part of the city, the low hill which took its name of Cadmea from the genuine Theban hero Cadmus.202 It is not impossible that at Delphi also, and perhaps at other places where the same drama was acted,203 Apollo may have displaced an old local hero in the honourable office of dragon-slayer.

      Both at Delphi and at Thebes the dragon seems to have guarded the oracular spring and the oracular tree. The crown of laurel and the crown of oak. The Festival of Crowning at Delphi originally identical with the Pythian games.

      Both at Thebes and at Delphi the dragon guarded a spring,204 the water of which was probably deemed oracular. At Delphi the sacred spring may have been either Cassotis or the more famed Castaly, which issues from a narrow gorge, shut in by rocky walls of tremendous height, a little to the east of Apollo's temple. The waters of both were thought to be endowed with prophetic power.205 Probably, too, the monster was supposed to keep watch and ward over the sacred laurel, from which the victor in the combat wreathed his brows; for in vase-paintings the Theban dragon appears coiled beside the holy tree,206 and Euripides describes the Delphic dragon as covered by a leafy laurel.207 At all oracular seats of Apollo his priestess drank of the sacred spring and chewed the sacred laurel before she prophesied.208 Thus it would seem that the dragon, which at Delphi is expressly said to have been the guardian of the oracle,209 had in its custody both the instruments of divination, the holy tree and the holy water. We are reminded of the dragon or serpent, slain by Hercules, which guarded the golden apples of the Hesperides in the happy garden.210 But at Delphi the oldest sacred tree appears, as Mr. A. B. Cook has pointed out,211 to have been not a laurel but an oak. For we are told that originally the victors in the Pythian games at Delphi wore crowns of oak leaves, since the laurel had not yet been created.212 Now, like the Festival of Crowning, the Pythian games were instituted to commemorate the slaughter of the dragon;213 like it they were originally held every eighth year;214 the two festivals were celebrated nearly at the same time of the year;СКАЧАТЬ



<p>189</p>

As to the Game of Troy, see Virgil, Aen. v. 545-603; Plutarch, Cato, 3; Tacitus, Annals, xi. 11; Suetonius, Augustus, 43; id., Tiberius, 6; id., Caligula, 18; id., Nero, 6; W. Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities,3 s. v. “Trojae ludus”; O. Benndorf, “Das Alter des Trojaspieles,” appended to W. Reichel's Über homerische Waffen (Vienna, 1894), pp. 133-139.

<p>190</p>

O. Benndorf, op. cit. pp. 133 sq.

<p>191</p>

B. V. Head, Historia numorum (Oxford, 1887), pp. 389-391.

<p>192</p>

O. Benndorf, op. cit. pp. 134 sq.

<p>193</p>

Pliny, Nat. hist. xxxvi. 85.

<p>194</p>

O. Benndorf, op. cit. p. 135; W. Meyer, “Ein Labyrinth mit Versen,” Sitzungsberichte der philosoph. philolog. und histor. Classe der k. b. Akademie der Wissenschaften zu München, 1882, vol. ii. pp. 267-300.

<p>195</p>

See The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, i. 312.

<p>196</p>

B. V. Head, Historia numorum, p. 389.

<p>197</p>

Censorinus, De die natali, 18. 6.

<p>198</p>

The suggestion was made by Mr. A. B. Cook. The following discussion of the subject is founded on his ingenious exposition. See his article, “The European Sky-god,” Folklore, xv. (1904) pp. 402-424.

<p>199</p>

As to the Delphic festival see Plutarch, Quaest. Graec. 12; id., De defectu oraculorum, 15; Strabo, ix. 3. 12, pp. 422 sq.; Aelian, Var. hist. iii. 1; Stephanus Byzantius, s. v. Δειπνίας; K. O. Müller, Die Dorier,2 i. 203 sqq., 321-324; Aug. Mommsen, Delphika (Leipsic, 1878), pp. 206 sqq.; Th. Schreiber, Apollo Pythoktonos, pp. 9 sqq.; my note on Pausanias, ii. 7. 7 (vol. ii. 53 sqq.). As to the Theban festival, see Pausanias, ix. 10. 4, with my note; Proclus, quoted by Photius, Bibliotheca, p. 321, ed. Bekker; Aug. Boeckh, in his edition of Pindar, Explicationes, p. 590; K. O. Müller, Orchomenus und die Minyer,2 pp. 215 sq.; id., Dorier,2 i. 236 sq., 333 sq.; C. Boetticher, Der Baumkultus der Hellenen, pp. 386 sqq.; G. F. Schömann, Griechische Alterthümer,4 ii. 479 sq.

<p>200</p>

Apollodorus, iii. 4. 2, iii. 10. 4; Servius, on Virgil, Aen. vii. 761. The servitude of Apollo is traditionally associated with his slaughter of the Cyclopes, not of the dragon. But see my note on Pausanias, ii. 7. 7 (vol. ii. pp. 53 sqq.).

<p>201</p>

W. H. Roscher's Lexikon d. griech. und röm. Mythologie, ii. 830, 838, 839. On an Etruscan mirror the scene of Cadmus's combat with the dragon is surrounded by a wreath of laurel (Roscher, op. cit. ii. 862). Mr. A. B. Cook was the first to call attention to these vase-paintings in confirmation of my view that the Festival of the Laurel-bearing celebrated the destruction of the dragon by Cadmus (Folklore, xv. (1904) p. 411, note 224).

<p>202</p>

Pausanias, ix. 10. 2; K. O. Müller, Die Dorier,2 i. 237 sq.

<p>203</p>

For evidence of the wide diffusion of the myth and the drama, see Th. Schreiber, Apollon Pythoktonos, pp. 39-50. The Laurel-bearing Apollo was worshipped at Athens, as we know from an inscription carved on one of the seats in the theatre. See E. S. Roberts and E. A. Gardner, Introduction to Greek Epigraphy, ii. (Cambridge, 1905) p. 467, No. 247.

<p>204</p>

Apollodorus, iii. 4. 3; Schol. on Homer, Iliad, ii. 494; Pausanias, ix. 10. 5; Homeric Hymn to Apollo, 300 sq. The writer of the Homeric hymn merely says that Apollo slew the Delphic dragon at a spring; but Pausanias (x. 6. 6) tells us that the beast guarded the oracle.

<p>205</p>

Pausanias, x. 8. 9, x. 24. 7, with my notes; Ovid, Amores, i. 15. 35 sq.; Lucian, Jupiter tragoedus, 30; Nonnus, Dionys. iv. 309 sq.; Suidas, s. v. Κασταλία.

<p>206</p>

W. H. Roscher, Lexikon d. griech. u. röm. Mythologie, ii. 830, 838.

<p>207</p>

Euripides, Iphigenia in Tauris, 1245 sq., where the reading κατάχαλκος is clearly corrupt.

<p>208</p>

Lucian, Bis accusatus, I. So the priest of the Clarian Apollo at Colophon drank of a secret spring before he uttered oracles in verse (Tacitus, Annals, ii. 54; Pliny, Nat. hist. ii. 232).

<p>209</p>

Euripides, Iphigenia in Tauris, 1245 sqq.; Apollodorus, i. 4. I; Pausanias, x. 6. 6; Aelian, Var. hist. iii. i; Hyginus, Fabulae, 140; Schol. on Homer, Iliad, ii. 519; Schol. on Pindar, Pyth. Argument, p. 298, ed. Boeckh.

<p>210</p>

Euripides, Hercules Furens, 395 sqq.; Apollodorus, ii. 5. II; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 26; Eratosthenes, Catasterism. 3; Schol. on Euripides, Hippolytus, 742; Schol. on Apollonius Rhodius, Argon, iv. 1396.

<p>211</p>

A. B. Cook, “The European Sky-god,” Folklore, xv. (1904) p. 413.

<p>212</p>

Ovid, Metam. i. 448 sqq.

<p>213</p>

Clement of Alexandria, Protrept. i. I, p. 2, and ii. 34, p. 29, ed. Potter; Aristotle, Peplos, Frag. (Fragmenta historicorum Graecorum, ii. p. 189, No. 282, ed. C. Müller); John of Antioch, Frag. i. 20 (Frag. histor. Graec. iv. p. 539, ed. C. Müller); Jamblichus, De Pythagor. vit. x. 52; Schol. on Pindar, Pyth. Argum. p. 298, ed. Boeckh; Ovid, Metam. i. 445 sqq.; Hyginus, Fabulae, 140.

<p>214</p>

Schol. on Pindar, l. c.; Censorinus, De die natali, 18. 6; compare Eustathius on Homer, Od. iii. 267, p. 1466. 29.