The Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion (Third Edition, Vol. 04 of 12). Frazer James George
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СКАЧАТЬ type="note">231 The story of the final transformation of Cadmus and Harmonia into snakes may be a relic of a belief that the souls of the dead kings and queens of Thebes transmigrated into the bodies of serpents, just as Caffre kings turn at death into boa-constrictors or deadly black snakes.232 Indeed the notion that the souls of the dead lodge in serpents is widely spread in Africa and Madagascar.233 Other African tribes believe that their dead kings and chiefs turn into lions, leopards, hyaenas, pythons, hippopotamuses, or other creatures, and the animals are respected and spared accordingly.234 In like manner the Semang and other wild tribes of the Malay Peninsula imagine that the souls of their chiefs, priests, and magicians transmigrate at death into the bodies of certain wild beasts, such as elephants, tigers, and rhinoceroses, and that in their bestial form the dead men extend a benign protection to their living human kinsfolk.235 Even during their lifetime kings in rude society sometimes claim kinship with the most formidable beasts of the country. Thus the royal family of Dahomey specially worships the leopard; some of the king's wives are distinguished by the title of Leopard Wives, and on state occasions they wear striped cloths to resemble the animal.236 One king of Dahomey, on whom the French made war, bore the name of Shark; hence in art he was represented sometimes with a shark's body and a human head, sometimes with a human body and the head of a shark.237 The Trocadero Museum at Paris contains the wooden images of three kings of Dahomey who reigned during the nineteenth century, and who are all represented partly in human and partly in animal form. One of them, Guezo, bore the surname of the Cock, and his image represents him as a man covered with feathers. His son Guelelé, who succeeded him on the throne, was surnamed the Lion, and his effigy is that of a lion rampant with tail raised and hair on his body, but with human feet and hands. Guelelé was succeeded on the throne by his son Behanzin, who was surnamed the Shark, and his effigy portrays him standing upright with the head and body of a fish, the fins and scales being carefully represented, while his arms and legs are those of a man.238 Again, a king of Benin was called Panther, and a bronze statue of him, now in the Anthropological Museum at Berlin, represents him with a panther's whiskers.239 Such portraits furnish an exact parallel to what I conceive to be the true story of the Minotaur. On the Gold Coast of Africa a powerful ruler is commonly addressed as “O Elephant!” or “O Lion!” and one of the titles of the king of Ashantee, mentioned at great ceremonies, is borri, the name of a venomous snake.240 It has been argued that King David belonged to a serpent family, and that the brazen serpent, which down to the time of Hezekiah was worshipped with fumes of burning incense,241 represented the old sacred animal of his house.242 In Europe the bull, the serpent, and the wolf would naturally be on the list of royal beasts.

      The serpent the royal animal at Athens and Salamis.

      If the king's soul was believed to pass at death into the sacred animal, a custom might arise of keeping live creatures of the species in captivity and revering them as the souls of dead rulers. This would explain the Athenian practice of keeping a sacred serpent on the Acropolis and feeding it with honey cakes; for the serpent was identified with Erichthonius or Erechtheus, one of the ancient kings of Athens, of whose palace some vestiges have been discovered in recent times. The creature was supposed to guard the citadel. During the Persian invasion a report that the serpent had left its honey-cake untasted was one of the strongest reasons which induced the people to abandon Athens to the enemy; they thought that the holy reptile had forsaken the city.243 Again, Cecrops, the first king of Athens, is said to have been half-serpent and half-man;244 in art he is represented as a man from the waist upwards, while the lower part of his body consists of the coils of a serpent.245 It has been suggested that like Erechtheus he was identical with the serpent on the Acropolis.246 Once more, we are told that Cychreus gained the kingdom of Salamis by slaying a snake which ravaged the island,247 but that after his death he, like Cadmus, appeared in the form of the reptile.248 Some said that he was a man who received the name of Snake on account of his cruelty.249 Such tales may preserve reminiscences of kings who assumed the style of serpents in their lifetime and were believed to transmigrate into serpents after death. Like the dragons of Thebes and Delphi, the Athenian serpent appears to have been conceived as a creature of the waters; for the serpent-man Erechtheus was identified with the water-god Poseidon,250 and in his temple, the Erechtheum, where the serpent lived, there was a tank which went by the name of “the sea of Erechtheus.”251

      The wedding of Cadmus and Harmonia at Thebes may have been a dramatic representation of the marriage of the sun and moon at the end of the eight years' cycle.

      If the explanation of the eight years' cycle which I have adopted holds good for Thebes and Delphi, the octennial festivals held at these places probably had some reference to the sun and moon, and may have comprised a sacred marriage of these luminaries. The solar character of Apollo, whether original or adventitious, lends some countenance to this view, but at both Delphi and Thebes the god was apparently an intruder who usurped the place of an older god or hero at the festival. At Thebes that older hero was Cadmus. Now Cadmus was a brother of Europa, who appears to have been a personification of the moon conceived in the form of a cow.252 He travelled westward seeking his lost sister till he came to Delphi, where the oracle bade him give up the search and follow a cow which had the white mark of the full moon on its flank; wherever the cow fell down exhausted, there he was to take up his abode and found a city. Following the cow and the directions of the oracle he built Thebes.253 Have we not here in another form the myth of the moon pursued and at last overtaken by the sun? and the famous wedding of Cadmus and Harmonia, to attend which all the gods came down from heaven,254 may it not have been at once the mythical marriage of the great luminaries and the ritual marriage of the king and queen of Thebes masquerading, like the king and queen of Cnossus, in the character of the lights of heaven at the octennial festival which celebrated and symbolised the conjunction of the sun and moon after their long separation, their harmony after eight years of discord? A better name for the bride at such a wedding could hardly have been chosen than Harmonia.

      This theory confirmed by the astronomical symbols carried by the Laurel-bearer at the octennial festival of Laurel-bearing. The Olympic festival seems to have been based on the octennial cycle. Mythical marriage of the sun and moon at Olympia.

      This theory is supported by a remarkable feature of the festival. At the head of the procession, immediately in front of the Laurel-bearer, walked a youth who carried in his hands a staff of olive-wood draped with laurels and flowers. To the top of the staff was fastened a bronze globe, with smaller globes hung from it; to the middle of the staff were attached a globe of medium size and three hundred and sixty-five purple ribbands, while the lower part of the staff was swathed in a saffron pall. The largest globe, we are told, signified the sun, the smaller the moon, and the smallest the stars, and the purple ribbands stood for the course of the year, being equal in number to the days comprised in it.255 The choir of virgins who followed the Laurel-bearer singing hymns256 may have represented the Muses, who are said to have sung and played at the marriage of Cadmus and Harmonia; down СКАЧАТЬ



<p>232</p>

David Leslie, Among the Zulus and Amatongas, Second Edition (Edinburgh, 1875), p. 213. Compare H. Callaway, The Religious System of the Amazulu, Part II., pp. 196, 211.

<p>233</p>

See Adonis, Attis, Osiris, Second Edition, pp. 73 sqq.

<p>234</p>

D. Livingstone, Missionary Travels and Researches in South Africa, p. 615; Miss A. Werner, The Natives of British Central Africa (London, 1906), p. 64; L. Decle, Three Years in Savage Africa (London, 1898), p. 74; J. Roscoe, “The Bahima,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxvii. (1907) pp. 101 sq.; Major J. A. Meldon, “Notes on the Bahima,” Journal of the African Society, No. 22 (January, 1907), pp. 151-153; J. A. Chisholm, “Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Winamwanga and Wiwa,” Journal of the African Society, No. 36 (July, 1910), pp. 374, 375; P. Alois Hamberger, in Anthropos, v. (1910) p. 802.

<p>235</p>

W. W. Skeat and C. O. Blagden, Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula (London, 1906), ii. 194, 197, 221, 227, 305.

<p>236</p>

A. B. Ellis, The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast, pp. 74 sq.

<p>237</p>

This I learned from Professor F. von Luschan in the Anthropological Museum at Berlin.

<p>238</p>

M. Delafosse, in La Nature, No. 1086 (March 24th, 1894), pp. 262-266; J. G. Frazer, “Statues of Three Kings of Dahomey,” Man, viii. (1908) pp. 130-132. King Behanzin, surnamed the Shark, is doubtless the King of Dahomey referred to by Professor von Luschan (see the preceding note).

<p>239</p>

The statue was pointed out to me and explained by Professor F. von Luschan.

<p>240</p>

A. B. Ellis, The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast, pp. 205 sq.

<p>241</p>

2 Kings xviii. 4.

<p>242</p>

W. Robertson Smith, “Animal Worship and Animal Tribes,” Journal of Philology, ix. (1880) pp. 99 sq. Professor T. K. Cheyne prefers to suppose that the brazen serpent and the brazen “sea” in the temple at Jerusalem were borrowed from Babylon and represented the great dragon, the impersonation of the primaeval watery chaos. See Encyclopaedia Biblica, s. v. “Nehushtan,” vol. i. coll. 3387. The two views are perhaps not wholly irreconcilable. See below, pp. 111 sq.

<p>243</p>

Herodotus, viii. 41; Plutarch, Themistocles, 10; Aristophanes, Lysistrata, 758 sq., with the Scholium; Philostratus, Imagines, ii. 17. 6. Some said that there were two serpents ,Hesychius and Photius, Lexicon, s. v. οἰκουρὸν ὄφιν. For the identity of the serpent with Erichthonius, see Pausanias, i. 24. 7; Hyginus, Astronomica, ii. 13; Tertullian, De spectaculis, 9; compare Philostratus, Vit. Apoll. vii. 24; and for the identity of Erichthonius and Erechtheus, see Schol. on Homer, Iliad, ii. 547; Etymologicum magnum, p. 371, s. v. Ἐρεχθεύς. According to some, the upper part of Erichthonius was human and the lower part or only the feet serpentine. See Hyginus, Fabulae, 166; id., Astronomica, ii. 13; Schol. on Plato, Timaeus, p. 23 d; Etymologicum magnum, l. c.; Servius on Virgil, Georg. iii. 13. See further my notes on Pausanias i. 18. 2 and i. 26. 5, vol. ii. pp. 168 sqq., 330 sqq.

<p>244</p>

Apollodorus, iii. 14. i; Aristophanes, Wasps, 438. Compare J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, v. 641.

<p>245</p>

W. H. Roscher, Lexikon d. griech. und röm. Mythologie, ii. 1019. Compare Euripides, Ion, 1163 sqq.

<p>246</p>

O. Immisch, in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon d. griech. und röm. Mythologie, ii. 1023.

<p>247</p>

Apollodorus, iii. 12. 7; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 72; J. Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 110, 175, 451.

<p>248</p>

Pausanias, i. 36. 1. Another version of the story was that Cychreus bred a snake which ravaged the island and was driven out by Eurylochus, after which Demeter received the creature at Eleusis as one of her attendants (Hesiod, quoted by Strabo, ix. 1. 9, p. 393).

<p>249</p>

Stephanus Byzantius, s. v. Κυχρεῖος πάγος; Eustathius, Commentary on Dionysius, 507, in Geographi Graeci minores, ed. C. Müller, ii. 314.

<p>250</p>

Hesychius, s. v. Ἐρεχθεύς; Athenagoras, Supplicatio pro Christianis, 1; [Plutarch], Vit. X. Orat. p. 843 b c; Corpus inscriptionum Atticarum, i. No. 387, iii. Nos. 276, 805; compare Pausanias, i. 26. 5.

<p>251</p>

Apollodorus, iii. 14. 1; Herodotus, viii. 55; compare Pausanias, viii. 10. 4.

<p>252</p>

See above, p. 73.

<p>253</p>

Apollodorus, iii. 4. 1 sq.; Pausanias, ix. 12. 1 sq.; Schol. on Homer, Iliad, ii. 494; Hyginus, Fabulae, 178. The mark of the moon on the cow is mentioned only by Pausanias and Hyginus.

<p>254</p>

Apollodorus, iii. 4. 2; Euripides, Phoenissae, 822 sq.; Pindar, Pyth. iii. 155 sqq.; Diodorus Siculus, v. 49. 1; Pausanias, iii. 18. 12, ix. 12. 3; Schol. on Homer, Iliad, ii. 494.

<p>255</p>

Proclus, quoted by Photius, Bibliotheca, p. 321, ed. Bekker.

<p>256</p>

Proclus, l. c.