Villainage in England: Essays in English Mediaeval History. Paul Vinogradoff
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СКАЧАТЬ style="font-size:15px;">      The study of manorial evidence must start from a discussion as to terminology. The names of the peasantry will show the natural subdivisions of the class. If we look only to the unfree villagers, we shall notice that all the varieties of denomination can easily be arranged into four classes: one of these classes has in view social standing, another economic condition, a third starts from a difference of services, and a fourth from a difference of holdings. The line may not be drawn sharply between the several divisions, but the general contrast cannot be mistaken.

      Terms to indicate social standing.

      The term of most common occurrence is, of course, villanus. Although its etymology points primarily to the place of dwelling, and indirectly to specific occupations, it is chiefly used during the feudal period to denote servitude. It takes in both the man who is personally unfree and stands in complete subjection to the lord, and the free person settled on servile land. Both classes mentioned and distinguished by Bracton are covered by it. The common opposition is between villanus and libere tenens, not between villanus and liber homo. It is not difficult to explain such a phraseology in books compiled either in the immediate interest of the lords or under their indirect influence, but it must have necessarily led to encroachments and disputes: it has even become a snare for later investigators, who have sometimes been led to consider as one compact mass a population consisting of two different classes, each with a separate history of its own. The Latin 'rusticus' is applied in the same general way. It is less technical however, and occurs chiefly in annals and other literary productions, for which it was better suited by its classical derivation. But when it is used in opposition to other terms, it stands exactly as villanus, that is to say, it is contrasted with libere tenens251.

      Villains personally unfree.

      The fundamental distinction of personal status has left some traces in terminology. The Hundred Rolls, especially the Warwickshire one252, mention servi very often. Sometimes the word is used exactly as villanus would be253. Tenere in servitute and tenere in villenagio are equivalent254. But other instances show that servus has also a special meaning. Cases where it occurs in an 'extent' immediately after villanus, and possibly in opposition to it, are not decisive255. They may be explained by the fact that the persons engaged in drawing up a custumal, jotted down denominations of the peasantry without comparing them carefully with what preceded. A marginal note servi would not be necessarily opposed to a villani following it; it may only be a different name for the same thing. And it may be noted that in the Hundred Rolls these names very often stand in the margin, and not in the text. But such an explanation would be out of place when both expressions are used in the same sentence. The description of Ipsden in Oxfordshire has the following passage: item dictus R. de N. habet de proparte sua septem servos villanos. (Rot. Hundr. ii. 781, b: cf. 775, b, Servi Custumarii.) It is clear that it was intended, not only to describe the general condition of the peasantry, but to define more particularly their status. This observation and the general meaning of the word will lead us to believe that in many cases when it is used by itself, it implies personal subjection.

      The term nativus has a similar sense. But the relation between it and villanus is not constant; sometimes this latter marks the genus, while the former applies to a species; but sometimes they are used interchangeably256, and the feminine for villain is nieve (nativa). But while villanus is made to appear both in a wide and in a restricted sense, and for this reason cannot be used as a special qualification, nativus has only the restricted sense suggesting status257. In connection with other denominations nativus is used for the personally unfree258. When we find nativus domini, the personal relation to the lord is especially noticed259. The sense being such, no wonder that the nature of the tenure is sometimes described in addition260. Of course, the primary meaning is, that a person has been born in the power of the lord, and in this sense it is opposed to the stranger—forinsecus, extraneus261. In this sense again the Domesday of St. Paul's speaks of 'nativi a principio' in Navestock262. But the fact of being born to the condition supposes personal subjection, and this explains why nativi are sometimes mentioned in contrast with freemen263, without any regard being paid to the question of tenure. Natives, or villains born, had their pedigrees as well as the most noble among the peers. Such pedigrees were drawn up to prevent any fraudulent assertion as to freedom, and to guide the lord in case he wanted to use the native's kin in prosecution of an action de nativo habendo. One such pedigree preserved in the Record Office is especially interesting, because it starts from some stranger, extraneus264, who came into the manor as a freeman, and whose progeny lapses into personal villainage; apparently it is a case of villainage by prescription.

      Free men holding villain land.

      The other subdivision of the class—freemen holding unfree land265—has no special denomination. This deprives us of a very important clue as to the composition of the peasantry, but we may gather from the fact how very near both divisions must have stood to each other in actual life. The free man holding in villainage had the right to go away, while the native was legally bound to the lord; but it was difficult for the one to leave land and homestead, and it was not impossible for the other to fly from them, if he were ill-treated by his lord or the steward. Even the fundamental distinction could not be drawn very sharply in the practice of daily life, and in every other respect, as to services, mode of holding, etc., there was no distinction. No wonder that the common term villanus is used quite broadly, and aims at the tenure more than at personal status.

      Terms to indicate economic condition.

      Terms which have in view the general economic condition of the peasant, vary a good deal according to localities. Even in private documents they are on the whole less frequent than the terms of the first class, and the Hundred Rolls use them but very rarely. It would be very wrong to imply that they were not widely spread in practice. On the contrary, their vernacular forms vouch for their vitality and their use in common speech. But being vernacular and popular in origin, these terms cannot obtain the uniformity and currency of literary names employed and recognised by official authority. The vernacular equivalent for villanus seems to have been niet or neat266. It points to the regular cultivators of the arable, possessed of holdings of normal size and performing the typical services of the manor267. The peasant's condition is here regarded from the economical side, in the mutual relation of tenure and work, not in the strictly legal sense, and men of this category form the main stock of the manorial population. The Rochester Custumal says268 that neats are more free than cottagers, and that they hold virgates. The superior degree of freedom thus ascribed to them is certainly not to be taken in the legal sense, but is merely a superiority in material condition. The contrast with cottagers is a standing one269, and, being the main population of the village, neats are treated sometimes as if they were the only people there270. The name may be explained etymologically by the Anglo-Saxon geneat, which in documents of the tenth and eleventh century means a man using another person's land. The differences СКАЧАТЬ



<p>251</p>

Cartulary of Malmesbury (Rolls Series), ii. 186: 'Videlicet quod prefatus Ricardus concessit praedictis abbati et conventui et eorum tenentibus, tam rusticis, quam liberis—quod ipsi terras suas libere pro voluntate sua excolant.'

<p>252</p>

As to the Warwickshire Hundred Roll in the Record Office, see my letter in the Athenæum, 1883, December 22.

<p>253</p>

Rot. Hundred. ii. 471, a: 'Libere tenentes prioris de Swaveseia.... Henricus Palmer—1 mesuagium et 3 rodas terre reddens 12 d. et 2 precarias. Servi Adam scot tenet 10 acras reddens 4 s. et 6 precarias.... Cotarii....'

<p>254</p>

Rot. Hundred. ii. 715, a: 'In servitute tenentes. Assunt et ibidem 10 tenentes qui tenent 10 virgatas terre in villenagio et operantur ad voluntatem domini et reddunt per annum 25 s.'

<p>255</p>

Rot. Hundred. ii. 690, 691: 'Villani—servi—custumarii. Et tenent ut villani, ut servi, ut libere tenentes.' Rot. Hundred. ii. 544, b: 'De custumariis Johannes Samar tenet 1 mesuagium et 1 croft … per servicium 3 sol. 2 d. et secabit 2 acras et dim., falcabit per 1 diem. De servis. Nicholaus Dilkes tenet 15 acras—et faciet per annum 144 opera et metet 2 acras. De aliis servis … De cotariis … De aliis cotariis.'

<p>256</p>

Rot. Hundred. ii. 528, a: 'Henr. de Walpol habet latinos (corr. nativos), qui tenent 180 acras terre et redd. 10 libr. et 8 sol. et 4 d. et ob. Nomina eorum qui tenent de Henrico de Walpol in villenagio.' Chapter House, County Boxes, Salop. 14, c: 'Libere tenentes … Coterelli … Nativi.'

<p>257</p>

Hale, in his Introduction to the Domesday of St. Paul's, xxiv, speaks of the 'nativi a principio' of Navestock, and distinguishes them from the villains. 'The ordinary praedial services due from the tenentes or villani were not required to be performed in person, and whether in the manor or out of it the villanus was not in legal language "sub potestate domini." Not so the nativus.' Hale's explanation is not correct, but the twofold division is noticed by him.

<p>258</p>

Domesday of St. Paul's, 157 (Articuli visitationis): 'An villani sive custumarii vendant terras. Item, an nativi custumarii maritaverunt filias—vel vendiderint vitulum—vel arbores—succidant.' A Suffolk case is even more clear. Registrum cellararii of Bury St. Edmunds, Cambridge University Gg. iv. 4, f. 30, b: 'Gersumarius vel custumarius qui nativus est.... Antecessor recognovit se nativum domini abbatis in curia domini regis.'

<p>259</p>

Cartulary of Eynsham in Oxfordshire, MS. of the Chapter of Christ Church in Oxford, N. 27, p. 25, a: 'In primis Willelmus le Brewester nativus domini tenet de dictis prato et terris…'

<p>260</p>

Eynsham Cartulary, 49. b: 'Johannes Kolyns nativus domini tenet 1 virgatam terre cum pertinenciis in bondagio.'

<p>261</p>

Cartulary of St. Mary of Worcester (Camden Series), 15. a: 'Nativi, cum ad aetatem pervenerint nisi immediate serviant patri—faciant 4 benripas et forinsici similiter.' Survey of Okeburn, Q.R. Anc. Miscell. Alien Priories, 2/2: 'Aliquis nativus non potest recedere sine licencia neque catalla amovere nec extraneus libertatem dominorum ad commorandum ingrediat sine licentia.'

<p>262</p>

Domesday of St. Paul's, 80: 'Nativi a principio. Isti tenent terras operarias.'

<p>263</p>

Queen's Remembrancer's Miscellanies, 902-62: 'Rotuli de libertate de Tynemouth, de liberis hominibus, non de nativis.'

<p>264</p>

Queen's Remembrancer's Miscellanies, 902-77: 'Nativi de Sebrighteworth (Proavus extraneus).' See App. X.

<p>265</p>

Warwickshire Hundr. Roll, Queen's Remembrancer's Miscellaneous Books, 29, 19, b: 'Johannes le Clerc tenet 1 virg. terre pro eodem sed est libere condicionis.' Augment. Off., Duchy of Lancaster, Court Rolls, Bundle 32, 283: 'Unum mesuagium et 19 acre terre in Holand que sunt in manu domini per mortem W. qui eas tenuit in bondagio. Ipse fuit liber, quia natus fuit extra libertatem domini.'

<p>266</p>

Glastonbury Inquisitions of 1189 (Roxburghe Series), 48: 'Radulfus niet tenet dimidiam virgatam.'

<p>267</p>

Glastonbury Inquis. (Roxburghe Series), 26: 'Rogerus P. tenet virg. terre: pro una medietate dat. xxx d. et pro alia medietate operatur sicut neth et seminat dimidiam acram pro churset et dat hueortselver.' Ibid. 22: 'Osbertus tenet 1 virgatam terre medietatem pro ii sol. et dono et pro alia medietate operatur quecumque jussus fuerit sicut neth.' Cartulary of Abingdon (Rolls Series), ii. 304: 'Illi sunt neti de villa. Aldredus de Brueria 5 sol. pro dimidia hida et arat et varectat et seminat acram suo semine et trahit foenum et bladum.' Ibid. ii. 302: 'Bernerius et filius suus tenent unam cotsetland unde reddunt cellario monachorum 6 sestaria mellis et camerae 31 d.'—'De netis. Robertus tenet dimidiam hidam unde reddit 5 sol. et 3 den. et arabit acram et seminabit semine suo et trahet foenum et bladum. Hoc de netis.'

<p>268</p>

Black Book of Rochester Cathedral (ed. Thorpe), 10, a: 'Consuetudines de Hedenham et de Cudintone. Dominus potest ponere ad opera quemcumque voluerit de netis suis in die St. Martini. Et sciendum quod neti idem sunt quod Neiatmen qui aliquantulum liberiores sunt quam cotmen, qui omnes habent virgatas ad minus.'

<p>269</p>

Cartulary of Shaftesbury, Harl. MSS. 61, f. 60: 'Et habebit unum animal quietum in pastura, si est net, et de aliis herbagium. Et si idem fuerit cotsetle debet operari 2 diebus.' Ibid. 59: 'Tempore Henrici Regis fuerunt in T. 18 Neti sed modo non sunt nisi 11 et ex 7 qui [non] sunt Nicholaus tenet terram [trium] et 4 sunt in dominico; et 7 cotmanni fuerunt tempore Henrici Regis qui non sunt modo, quorum trium tenet terram Nicholaus et 4 sunt in dominico.' Ibid. 65: 'Cotsetle … debet metere quantum unus nieth … et debet collocare messem vel … aliud facere … dum Neth messem attrahat … pannagium sicut Neth.' Ibid. 89: 'Si moriatur cotsetle pro diviso dabit 12 d. et vidua tenebit pro illo id divisum tota vita sua. Si moriatur neatus dabit melius catellum et pro hoc tenebit quietus.'

<p>270</p>

Glastonbury Inquis. 51: 'Et nieti tenent 9 acras unde reddunt 3 s.' Ibid. 47: 'Nieti habent unum pratum pro 5 s.'