Название: The Smart Society
Автор: Peter D. Salins
Издательство: Ingram
Жанр: Экономика
isbn: 9781594037016
isbn:
Thus, school reforms in elementary and secondary schooling need to be focused single-mindedly on having all schoolchildren graduate from high school and then preparing them for life after high school. Overall, current high school graduation rates fall far short of this goal, but, as in student performance generally, there is wide variation among the states (table 2.10).
Currently, two-thirds of those who do graduate from high school go on to some kind of higher education. The problem is that no more than one-third of these students are actually ready for college, something evident in today’s low college-completion rates (tables 2.11 and 2.12). While U.S. colleges and universities are not blameless in this, they are very much at the mercy of how well American high schools prepare their graduates—meaning that the link between high school and college academic expectations must become considerably tighter, an issue calling for more stringent college admissions policies and greater cooperation between colleges and their feeder high schools.
This problem has been bedeviling American higher education for decades, and mere exhortations to resolve it have proven futile. To reform higher education comprehensively, we need to generate more potent incentives for both students and the collegiate institutions. The most efficient and scalable way to do this is through the funding of college education, most of it directly or indirectly underwritten by the federal government. Changing the basis of that aid should motivate students and colleges to raise their game. Chapter 5 will review the extent to which college attendance and completion (by years of study) adds to individual and national human capital, how much of the population might actually benefit from going to college, how the quality of a typical American college education can be strengthened across the board, and how federal financial aid to students and colleges can be comprehensively restructured to ensure that most American college students are college-ready, that all who are can get a college education, and that they and the colleges are motivated to see that they graduate.
Table 2.11
College Enrollment by Gender and Status, 1970–2021
Source: National Center for Education Statistics, Digest of Education Statistics.
Table 2.12
College Graduation Rates of 2004 Entering Cohort (percent by race and gender)
Source: National Center for Education Statistics, Integrated Postsecondary Education Data System (IPEDS).
The most conspicuous of America’s human-capital failures, and the one that to date has been resistant to remedy on any kind of sustained basis, is the disappointing school performance of socioeconomically disadvantaged children, including a majority of those who are African American and Hispanic. As noted in chapter 2, lower-income white children are also performing well below their potential, and boys from low-income families of all ethnic backgrounds are doing worse than girls. These disparities are especially worrisome because when these children (especially the boys) grow up, their inferior education relegates them to low-paying (or no) jobs, poor marriage prospects, and possibly trouble with the law; when they have children they are very likely to be absent fathers or distracted mothers perpetuating a cycle of intergenerational educational and social dysfunction.1 For the purposes of discussion in this chapter and throughout the book, I will refer to this complex of low academic achievement affecting poorer Americans of all ethnicities as the country’s educational “Megagap.”
If it could be accomplished, no other measure would so completely transform American society as significantly narrowing the Megagap. A host of societal ills from poverty, poor health, crime, and child neglect would be sharply reduced; the economic significance of income inequality would virtually disappear; and the United States would truly become in reality what it has always imagined itself to be: an almost universally middle-class country. In the pursuit of just such a breakthrough (and as a collateral aspect of the civil rights movement), generations of political leaders and educators have, for more than fifty years, launched a long and varied sequence of policies aimed at transforming the American public school system—from Brown v. Board of Education (1954) to No Child Left Behind (2001) and Race to the Top (2009). The problem is that, by and large, the policies haven’t worked, at least with respect to their stated goal of enabling disadvantaged schoolchildren to catch up with the rest. While the scores of African American and Hispanic test-takers have actually risen modestly over the most recent decades, the spread separating them from those of mainstream whites is stubbornly persistent. In today’s information-age economy, the human-capital failure this represents is more problematical than ever. What, if anything, can be done?
We have long known that the educational Megagap is deeply rooted in familial socioeconomic circumstances, but since these are beyond the reach of government to change, we have counted on decades of educational reform efforts aimed at attacking it in school. We have strong proof that the Megagap can be significantly narrowed, if not eliminated altogether, with the right kinds of school interventions. One reason our progress on this front has been so disappointing is that education reformers have been too indiscriminate—and inconsistent—in their choice of reforms. The half-century-long Megagap closing effort has by now yielded an education reform garden so overgrown that, in classic Gresham’s Law fashion, the bad (meaning ineffective) ideas often overwhelm the good. In the pages that follow, I will review the most frequently adopted of these reforms (roughly in the chronological order of their popularity), and summarize what we have learned regarding their effectiveness. I will conclude by highlighting the two proven educational strategies that, where and when they have been properly implemented, have measurably increased the academic performance of Megagap children and permitted them to succeed, in later grades and beyond, at or near the level of their mainstream peers: namely, effective preschool education and expanded learning time.
DECADES OF EXPERIMENTATION
Racial Integration In the long sequence of ameliorations specifically focused on raising the scholastic achievement of African American schoolchildren, the first was racial integration. Driven initially by the constitutional imperative of the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board of Education ruling, court-ordered integration of de jure segregated schools in the South was followed soon after by court-ordered integration of de facto segregated schools in the north. The overwhelmingly dominant rationale behind these court decisions (promoted by liberal educators and racial advocates) was a firm conviction that integration would have a significant positive impact on the academic performance of African American children. The remedy most frequently imposed by the courts was intra-district busing, sending black schoolchildren to formerly majority-white schools and (less often) sending whites to formerly majority-black schools. Other attempts at fostering school integration have included the establishment of “magnet” schools with enriched facilities and programming to СКАЧАТЬ