Thomas Becket. Father John S. Hogan

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СКАЧАТЬ plead his case with the pope. When Theobald arrived at the council, Pope Eugene took one look at the newly arrived archbishop and gleefully commented that the journey seemed more of a swim than a sail, and he was correct. Theobald and his crew looked worn and bedraggled like survivors of a shipwreck and were still suffering the effects of seasickness.¹¹

      Thomas met up with his archbishop at Reims and, working with his friend John of Salisbury and Roger de Pont L’Évêque, made ready the archbishop’s case against Stephen.¹² Theobald had already suspended the bishops the king had instructed not to attend the council, among them Theobald’s nemesis, Henry of Winchester, because word of this had reached Stephen, the archbishop knew he was in dangerous waters. As they worked, Thomas found himself in the midst of the great and the good of the Church. For the first time, he set eyes on a pope and could see how a papal court operated, even if out of its natural forum in Rome. He saw some of the Church’s renowned contemporary theologians, and without doubt he would have spoken to Saint Bernard at least once, even if superficially, given that he was now a close friend of one of Bernard’s protégés. His old master from Paris, Robert of Melun, was also there, and perhaps some of his former student acquaintances. The council opened up the world of the Church to Thomas, and as clerk and close assistant of the archbishop of Canterbury, who was there on high-ranking business, he was at the center of it all.

      Theobald argued his case persuasively and won the pope to his side. William FitzHerbert was formally deprived of the archbishopric of York on the grounds that the king had rigged the election, and his replacement, the Cistercian abbot of Fountains Abbey, Henry Murdac, was confirmed. William’s opponents also maintained that his personal life was far from ideal. Even Saint Bernard claimed to be aware of his unchaste lifestyle and ambition; in a letter to Pope Innocent II, Eugene’s predecessor, he had described William as being “rotten from the soles of his feet to the crown of his head.”¹³ While the same could be said of many a cleric then and now, the accusation proved useful for Theobald’s case, even if it was untrue. Saint Bernard of Clairvaux had gotten many things right in his life, but his opinion of William FitzHerbert was as far off the mark as could be. The man was, in fact, a saint, and the Church would confirm it by canonizing him in 1227. William’s chief opponents in York were Cistercians who were aggrieved at not being included in the episcopal election that saw William elevated and were displeased that their man was passed over for the archbishopric. They may have filled Bernard with lies, which led to his rash judgment of a man whose holiness was similar to his own. Saints make mistakes, too, and they can be misled by those who are not themselves saints.¹⁴

      For Pope Eugene, confirming these decisions was not enough; he had to deal with Stephen. He proposed to excommunicate the king of England and ordered preparations to be made for the ceremony. To everyone’s astonishment, Theobald knelt before the pope and begged him not to excommunicate Stephen.¹⁵ Eugene was dumbstruck. He interpreted Theobald’s gesture as Christian charity and, in acknowledgment of the plea of mercy, reversed his decision. However, Theobald’s gesture was mostly political. He knew Stephen all too well — defying a pope was not beyond the realm of possibility for him. Stephen was unpopular with many, but an excommunication imposed without the king having a chance to defend himself might win many to his side and make the civil war, which was already wreaking havoc in the kingdom, much worse.

      The council ended on April 1, but the pope and others remained to deal with what for Saint Bernard of Clairvaux was the main business of the council: the case of Gilbert de la Porrée. Theobald may have remained for that and witnessed Eugene’s compromise on the issue. He returned to Canterbury, again traveling discreetly to avoid the king’s spies, to receive a hero’s welcome as the people heard of his magnanimity in asking the pope not to excommunicate the king. Stephen was not so impressed. As soon as he heard Theobald was back, he sent one of his stalwarts to demand the archbishop’s submission to the crown. Theobald refused and not long after was deprived of his property, taken into custody, delivered to a ship bound for Flanders, and unceremoniously told to get out and never come back to England.¹⁶ The archbishop took refuge at the Benedictine Abbey of Saint Bertin at Saint-Omer and began his efforts to get back to England. Thomas may have made his way back to Auxerre to finish his studies, or he may have returned from the council with Theobald and gone into exile with him. Later in his life, Thomas would describe these events in great detail to a cardinal in the Roman curia,¹⁷ and the detail is so vivid that he may well have been with his archbishop and experienced them personally.

      Life was not too bad for Theobald at Saint Bertin’s. His friends were able to visit him, bringing provisions and news of what was happening in England. It was obvious that Stephen had forced the archbishop into exile even in the face of Theobald’s great act of charity toward the king in preventing his excommunication. In a sense, the exile was beneficial to Theobald’s cause, even if it was irksome. Various negotiations took place, but when these failed and news of Theobald’s exile finally reached the pope, he was furious. He issued a papal edict demanding that Stephen recall the archbishop; if Stephen refused to heed it, England would be placed under interdict.¹⁸ If Stephen persisted in his obstinacy, then he would be excommunicated, and with that, his subjects’ loyalty to him would be absolved.

      Seemingly unaware of the advantage it may have given Matilda’s side, weak as it was at that time, Stephen disregarded the edict and continued to defy both pope and archbishop. In response, Eugene opted for the interdict, but directed Theobald to impose it in order to make a point. Though he imposed it in obedience to the pope, Theobald was doubtful as to its effectiveness, and he was proved correct — the interdict had no effect, because many feared it would resurrect the civil war. Indeed, the ever-independent Londoners lodged an appeal with Rome to have the interdict lifted. The clergy of Canterbury, however, obeyed, though some in the monasteries held out. Watching from Saint Bertin’s, Theobald realized by the spring of 1149 that he would have to take drastic action to resolve the issue. Despite the risks to his own safety, he had to return to England. Adopting a disguise, he hired a boat at nearby Gravelines in Flanders, sailed to Gosford in Sussex, and then rode to Framlingham to the castle of Hugh Bigod, a onetime supporter of Stephen who had since defected to Matilda’s cause.¹⁹ There, safe behind the walls of the impenetrable fortress, Theobald very publicly resumed the work of the archiepiscopal court, once more asserting his authority over the Church in England. When Stephen heard of Theobald’s return, he thought better of his position and realized how far he had gone. Now that Theobald was in the fortress of a former supporter who was now an enemy, Stephen suddenly realized that Theobald could well become a powerful proponent of the empress’s cause, and that could well mean the end of his reign. Stephen reached out to the archbishop and settled the dispute; Theobald’s lands were restored, together with compensation for lost earnings and damage to the property.

      Back in Canterbury, Theobald may have pondered the events of the last year. He had won and brought a king to heel for his transgressions against the Church and her rights; his predecessors would have been pleased, and perhaps he had set a precedent for his successors. But more needed to be done. Stephen’s position was precarious, and so, too, England’s. Matilda had withdrawn, but the issue of the throne was not resolved; though there was peace for now, it was uneasy and fragile. Theobald knew that the most awkward task of all lay ahead. For now, life at the archbishop’s court had returned to normal, or at least as normal as it could be, given the political climate, but it would not remain so for long.

      As for the clerk, when Thomas returned to Canterbury, Theobald made a surprise announcement: Thomas was to be his spokesman, and he was to be sent on various missions on the archbishop’s behalf. It was obvious that Thomas possessed great skills of diplomacy and tact, and recent events had honed those skills further. Theobald could be rough and dogmatic in his directives, but Thomas was a clerk who was able to translate his master’s intentions in a subtler manner. A good communicator who could now carefully control his stammer, he could spin a persuasive argument. It was another good decision on Theobald’s part; Thomas would excel as his spokesman. Theobald may also have mused that his young protégé might prove useful to the Church in England.

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