Название: Julius Nyerere
Автор: Paul Bjerk
Издательство: Ingram
Жанр: Биографии и Мемуары
Серия: Ohio Short Histories of Africa
isbn: 9780821445969
isbn:
Figure 1.2 President Julius Nyerere of Tanzania with President Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana during the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) heads of government meeting held in Accra in 1965. © Tanzania Information Services/MAELEZO.
Nkrumah became the model and in many ways the prophet of independence for sub-Saharan Africa. He created a nationalist movement in the British colony of the Gold Coast and pushed for negotiations that led to its independence under a British-style parliamentary government, with him as its prime minister. Nkrumah renamed the country Ghana after a medieval kingdom and sought to industrialize it through a socialist economic policy, but his rule became increasingly dictatorial as he marginalized both rival politicians and traditional authorities.12 He was overthrown in a military coup in 1966 that he claimed was engineered by the United States’ Central Intelligence Agency.13
In East Africa, aspects of Ghana’s independence trajectory took different forms in each territory. Kenya faced the most violent episode, when a grassroots movement that became known as Mau Mau launched a militant campaign on behalf of landless peasants.14 British colonial authorities declared a state of emergency and imprisoned thousands in brutal reeducation camps. More conventional anticolonial activists, Jomo Kenyatta most prominent among them, were jailed for suspected ties to Mau Mau. Eventually the British looked to Kenyatta and his colleagues to negotiate a peaceful path to Kenyan independence. Kenyatta became president after independence, managing a political system based heavily on ethnic patronage until his death in 1978.15
Political activism in Uganda was more muted because there were very few European settlers, and because leaders of the Buganda kingdom at the heart of the territory saw themselves as partners in governance with the British. But a northerner, Milton Obote, emerged out of a convoluted competition between political parties to become prime minister at independence. Obote set an ideological course inspired by Nyerere’s socialism. However, his effort to suppress Buganda’s royal house led to dictatorial methods that eventually brought his overthrow at the hands of an unpredictable sergeant named Idi Amin in 1971.16
Long before he went into politics, Nyerere had approached the anticolonial struggle in Africa in regional terms. And, since his student days, he had favored socialism as the best means toward broad-based economic development. This orientation emerged from ascendant intellectual trends in Africa during the mid-twentieth century: pan-Africanism and socialism encapsulated a wide variety of visions for developing influential and technologically sophisticated societies. The wave of independence in Africa seemed to offer the opportunity to pursue these ideals, even though few envisioned building an independent state on the basis of anything other than the colonial territory and government. Somehow they had to build a national identity, and it was hardly a blank slate. Colonial boundaries, interwoven ethnic and religious traditions, and undemocratic political institutions represented conflicting historical contexts that independence could not simply erase.
2
Coming of Age in an African Colony, 1922–53
The green hills overlooking the eastern shore of Lake Victoria are covered in massive granite boulders. Climbing to the top of one, you can see the shimmering blue of the lake through the misty air. Looking the other way, the dry plains of the Serengeti vanish into the distance.
People have lived on the shores of this lake since time immemorial. Two thousand years ago they cleared entire forests to make charcoal for smelting iron into steel hoes and spears.1 Certain families held the honor of guarding sacred forests atop the highest hills. A well-regarded man could act as a leader. He consulted with the local elders and made decisions about what to do if the rains were late, the cattle were dying, or villages came under attack. For hundreds of years, young teenagers were initiated in the wild hills beyond the village to face their fears, learn the rules of adult life, and prepare for parenthood. When their household chores were done, young people socialized at village dances. Once every twenty years or so a new generation of elder men would walk the territory occupied by their people, mapping it out, laying claim to it, and assuring its fertility.2
The people of these hills came to be known as the Zanaki, a small group whose politics were built around a council of elders, prominent family men with a knack for oral argument.3 They had nothing like the royal house of Buganda on the other side of the great lake, with its king and council of representatives. In the 1800s Maasai cattle herders invaded, stealing Zanaki cattle and grazing their herds on Zanaki farms. While their parents were cowed by Maasai military might, Zanaki youth admired the Maasai warriors and tried to copy their styles and their age-graded fraternities. Fashionable young men wore their hair in long elaborate braids, and young women collected colorful beaded jewelry.4 Zanaki elders cooperated with Maasai demands, but proudly held to their own traditions of ensuring the fertility of the land.5
German missionaries, and soon German armies, arrived in East Africa in the late 1800s. They bought off some chiefs, conquered others, and assigned coastal Muslim agents to administer where there were no chiefs. They established a handful of colonies in Africa, the largest of them being a land known as Tanganyika, bounded by the Indian Ocean in the east and the Great Lakes in the west, Mount Kilimanjaro in the north, and the Ruvuma River to the south. German rule could be harsh, but it was spread thin, and they paid little heed to Zanaki lands. In the south the Hehe people under their king Mkwawa were battle hardened from decades of war with Ngoni and other southern people. They fought a guerrilla war with the Germans for five years.
Ten years later, the whole southern part of the territory broke into a violent uprising against German rule known as the Maji Maji Rebellion. Its leader claimed to have a medicine (maji maji, meaning “magical water”) supposed to render the German bullets harmless. The medicine may not have had much effect on German bullets, but it did organize a diverse rebellion across the south, where German labor demands had disrupted the local agrarian economy. Another ten years later, in a distant battlefield of the Great War in Europe, African troops under German and British officers fought battles across the territory.6 Very little of this touched Zanaki people, whose biggest security worry was still cattle rustling.
In 1922, Tanganyika was taken from Germany, together with its other colonies, and given over to the League of Nations as a mandate territory. The League handed Tanganyika to the British, who already governed in neighboring Kenya and Uganda. This horse trading was all done with European maps, and only a few literate people in Tanganyika knew much about why one set of European rulers had been replaced with another speaking a different language. Zanaki country was a backwater just beyond the newly opened diamond mines on the southern side of the lake. The British focused their attention on the fertile slopes of Kilimanjaro, where coffee grew well; the southern highlands, where tea and lumber seemed like promising products; and the hot plains stretching in from the coast, where top-quality sisal could provide ropes for British ships. These industries were desperate for workers. Young men from landless families traveled to these areas for work, hoping to bring home enough cash for a respectable marriage, or at least help their families pay the colonial “hut tax” that was designed to push them into wage labor.
The British set themselves to the task of governing the territory, and they looked for people who could serve in a more official manner as “chiefs” administering colonial policy. In Zanaki land the closest thing to a chief had been a respected rainmaker, which really meant a charismatic religious leader. The British preferred more innocuous men and found a few congenial elders to serve as chiefs, among them Nyerere Burito. British officials described him as “a gentleman of the old school . . . who dearly loves to chat about old times.”7 They put him on the colonial payroll and depended СКАЧАТЬ