The Hellenistic Settlements in the East from Armenia and Mesopotamia to Bactria and India. Getzel M. Cohen

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СКАЧАТЬ Klio 81 (1999) 446–48; Bousdroukis, Recherches 54 and n. 36.

      6. With the story of the naming of Edessa for Seleukos’s eldest daughter compare, for example, the equally unlikely story about THYATEIRA in Lydia. The latter, according to Stephanos (s.v. “Thyateira”), was named by Seleukos for his daughter (Θυγάτειρα)! On the other hand, we should bear in mind Appian’s observation (Syr. 57) that Seleukos I Nikator named settlements he founded for his father, his mother, himself, and his wives. As for the Syriac account of the building of Edessa, we may compare it with the Syriac account of the founding of KARKA de BETH SELOK as well as the Arabic accounts of the founding of ANTIOCH near Daphne and of ALEXANDREIA near Egypt.

      7. Appian (Syr. 57) included Edessa in the list of settlements he attributed to Seleukos I Nikator. Most scholars have assumed Appian was referring to Edessa/Antioch on the Kallirhoe (e.g., Meyer, RE s.v. “Edessa,” 1933; Kirsten, RAC s.v. “Edessa” 553; Syme, Anatolica 107–8). Brodersen, however, claimed that Appian meant an Edessa west of the Euphrates (Komment. 152). According to Strabo (16.1.27), Bambyke was also called Hierapolis and Edessa. It has generally been assumed, however, that Strabo was mistaken when he equated Hierapolis with Edessa (see HIERAPOLIS Bambyke, n. 12). Brodersen, on the other hand, suggested that Strabo was not in error. Calling attention to the fact that Hierapolis Bambyke does not appear in Appian’s list, Brodersen claimed that, as with PELLA, we have an example of the coexistence of a “Macedonian” and an “official” name.

      At Syr. 57 Appian says that “in Syria and among the upper barbarian regions of Upper Asia many of the towns bear Greek and Macedonian names . . . such as Berrhoia, Edessa, Perinthus, Maronea, Callipolis, Achaia, Pella, Oropus, Amphipolis, Arethusa, Astacus, Tegea, Chalcis, Larissa, Heraea, Apollonia; in Parthia also Sotera, Calliope, Charis, Hekatompylos, Achaia; in India, Alexandropolis; in Scythia Alexandreschata . . .” (trans. White). Thus, the settlements Appian mentions were located in two general regions, Syria and the “upper barbarian regions above it.” It is clear that Appian considered Syria to encompass the territory from the Euphrates to the Mediterranean (Syr. 50; cf. Mith. 106). What is less clear is whether, as Brodersen apparently assumed, all the cities mentioned in the first group—Beroia to Apollonia—were in Syria. In any event, the location of a number of these foundations is unknown.

      8. For coins minted by Antiochos I see, for example, WSM nos. 797–801 (letters ΕΔΕ on the reverse of WSM no. 797; see further ANTHEMOUSIAS, n. 5); and CSE 891–93. Le Rider and Olcay (RN [1989] 40 and n. 24) suggested that a silver tetradrachm found at Tell Halaf might have been produced at a temporary mint in Osrhoene (where Tell Halaf is located); hence, they speculated that the coinage could possibly have come from Karrhai or Edessa; see also Houghton and Lorber, Seleucid Coins 1.1: no. 583. For the quasi-municipal coinage minted under Antiochos IV see, for example, Hunter. Coll. 3:52–53, nos. 80–87; RdS 603ff.; BMC Seleucid Kings 41, nos. 74–80; SNG (Cop) Syria, Seleucid Kings 222; CSE 894; CSE 2 369–70; Seleucid Coins 2.1:99 and nos. 1499–1501.

      For coins minted under Parthian and Roman hegemony see, for example, Hunter. Coll. 3:305–15, nos. 1–83; BMC Arabia, etc. 91–118, nos. 1–172; and Babelon, Mélanges 2:209–96. On coins of the Imperial period, a common type is the widely attested figure of the city goddess with the river god swimming at her feet (e.g., BMC Arabia, etc. 99, no. 55); cf., for example, ANTIOCH near Daphne, n. 11.

      9. A contract of sale from Edessa and dated to 243 A.D. (A. R. Bellinger and C. B. Welles, YCS 5 [1935] 95–154, esp. 96–98 and 124ff.), though written in Syriac, is very much of “Greek character” (118). Among other things, it refers to Aurelius Hafsai as the archon of the twelfth tribe. Nevertheless, the terms probably referred to the Arab clan and the head of the clan rather than to the Greek political apparatus (132ff.). Thus, according to Arrian (Parth. frag. 42 = Suda s.v. “Phylarches” = FGrH 156 F171), Abgar, the king of Edessa at the time of Trajan, was known as a phylarches because his districts were called phylai (ξυμβάλλει τᾦ Τραιανᾦ περὶ Αὐγάρου, ὃς ἦν ’Oσροήνης χώρας δυνάστης, οὕσπερ φυλάρχας ὀνομάζουσιν οἱ ἐκείνῃ, ὅτι καὶ τὰ χωρία αὐτῶν φυλαὶ ὀνομάζονται). On the other hand, two of the Edessan officials mentioned in the prescript are called strategoi, an obvious recollection of Greek titulature.

      10. For the possibility of the ethnic ’Εδεσση[νóς] referring to Macedonian Edessa on a fragment of an inscription see P. Petsas, Makedonika 9 (1969) 176; and J. Robert and L. Robert, BE (1970) no. 362. See also Fraser, Terminology 332. However, in a private communication Kent Rigsby suggests the more likely reading is ἐξ ’Eδέσση[ς, as in IG XII.9 1135.

      11. For the founding of the kingdom of Edessa see, for example, Ps.-Dionysios of Tel Mahre Chronicon p. 50 (40, ed. Chabot); and Jacob of Edessa (in Michael the Syrian [77 = 1:119, trans. Chabot]); see also Gutschmid, Osroëne 3–10 (the king list in Dionysios); Duval, Edesse 20–31; Babelon, Mélanges 2:213–16; Kirten, RAC s.v. “Edessa” 554f.; Segal, Edessa 16.

      12. On the appearance of the names Seleukos and Antiochos in later generations at Edessa see, for example, Bellinger and Welles, YCS 5 (1935) 96; and Segal, Edessa 16f., 28 n. 4, and 42 n. 3.

      13. For Nebo and Bel see, for example, Jacob of Sarug, The Fall of the Idols (p. 131 in P. Martin, ZDMG 29 [1875] 107–47, French translation on 130–44); see also Drijvers, Edessa 4 off.; and A. Bounni, LIMC s.v. “Nabu.”

      For Atargatis at Edessa see, for example, The Doctrine of Addai, the Apostle, 24 and note c (ed. G. Phillips), which explicitly connects the worship of Atargatis at Edessa with the great goddess of HIERAPOLIS Bambyke; see also Drijvers, Edessa 76ff. According to Drijvers, the worship of Hierapolitan Atargatis at Edessa was so strong that Strabo (erroneously; see above and HIERAPOLIS Bambyke, n. 12) identified Edessa and Hierapolis (ἡΒαμβύκη, ἣν καὶ ’′Εδεσσαν καὶ ‘Iερὰν πóλιν καλοῦσιν, ἐν ᾗ τιμῶσι τν Συρίαν Θεòν τὴν ’Aταργάτιν, 16.1.27).

      14. For the location and site of Edessa see, for example, Segal, Edessa 5ff. (map, plans, and photographs at end). For the location of Edessa on various overland routes see K. Regling, Klio 1 (1901) 1–34.

      ICHNAI

      According to Isidore of Charax (1), Ichnai was located between ALAGMA and NIKEPHORION. Isidore describes it as a “Greek polis” and a Μακεδóνων κτίσμα located on the Balicha (Balikh) River. The toponym Ichnai is found in both Thessaly and Macedonia.¹ Presumably Mesopotamian Ichnai was named for one of the Macedonian towns. In 54 B.C. Crassus defeated the Parthian governor Silakes at Ichnai (Cass. Dio 40.12.2).² We do not know the precise location of Ichnai.³

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      In general see Weissbach, RE s.v. “Ichnai 2”; Tcherikover, HS 86; Kessler, BNP s.v. “Ichnae”; Bousdroukis, Recherches 111–18.

      1. On Thessalian and Macedonian Ichnai see Strabo 9.5.14 and Herodotus 7.123. On Macedonian Ichnai see also Papazoglou, Villes 154–56; and Bousdroukis, Recherches 109–11.

      2. On Crassus’s operations in Mesopotamia see, for example, A. Garzetti, Athenaeum 22–23 (1944–45) 40–45; and B. A. Marshall, Crassus 151.

      3. The attempt to equate Ichnai with modern Chnez (see, for example, Kiepert, FOA Karte V, p. 5 (7); K. Regling, Klio 1 [1901] 465 n. 3; Weissbach, RE s.v. “Ichnai 2”; Garzetti, Athenaeum 22–23 [1944–45] 40) has not met with general acceptance; see, for example, Dillemann, Mésopotamie 183 n. 3; Kessler, BNP s.v. “Ichnae.”

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