The Hellenistic Settlements in the East from Armenia and Mesopotamia to Bactria and India. Getzel M. Cohen

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СКАЧАТЬ Mésopotamie 100, 169; Wagner, Seleukeia 71–84; M.-L. Chaumont, Syria 61 (1984) 74–75; J. Gaborit and G. Poccardi, Med. Ant. 3 (2000) 98–100; C. Abadie-Reynal in L’ Orient méditerranéen (Nantes) 354–73; P. Leriche and J. Gaborit in L’ Orient méditerraneen (Nantes) 376–81; Gaborit, Géographie historique 472–73.

      For the results of fieldwork at Apameia see A. Desreumaux, J. Gaborit, and J.-S. Caillou, CRAI (1999) 75–105; C. Abadie-Reynal et al., Anatolia Antiqua 6 (1998) 397–406.

      1. On the mention of Apameia in Isidore of Charax see M.-L. Chaumont, Syria 61 (1984) 74–75. Stephanos also mentions Apameia (s.v.) and describes it as τῆς Περσαίας, ‘Eδέσσης πρòς ἄρκτους. The mention of τῆς Περσαίας is a problem and has not yet been convincingly resolved. Kennedy (in Zeugma 156, 159) translated it as “of the territory of Persa.” He also called attention to Capersana, which is mentioned by Ammianus (18.8.1), and Caphrena, which is noted by Pliny (NH 6.119), and speculated that Capersana might be a conflation of Capher Persa(na). Earlier, Droysen (Hist. 740) suggested τῆς Περσαίας was corrupt; Dussaud (Topographie 459) had suggested that the toponym Capersana was Caphrena déformée. The suggestion that Apameia should be identified with Caphrena (Streck, RE Suppl. I s.v. “Apameia”; Kahrstedt, Artabanos III 72) is not convincing. As Chaumont noted (Syria 61 [1984] 75), Pliny (NH 6.119) distinguishes between Zeugma, Apameia, and Caphrena.

      On Capersana and Caphrena see also Streck, RE Suppl. I s.vv. “Apameia,” “Caphrena” and “Capersane”; Chapot, Frontière 274–75; Dillemann, Mésopotamie 169 and n. 3; De Jonge, Comment. on Ammianus XVIII 252–53; Wagner, Seleukeia 74 n. 16

      2. A. Desreumaux et al., CRAI (1999) 83–84, 105; Leriche and Gaborit in L’Orient méditerranéen (Nantes) 379–81. With the apparent desertion of the settlement by the end of the first century B.C. we may note—by way of comparison—that the settlement at JEBEL KHALID was apparently abandoned when Seleucid rule in the region ended. On the other hand, SELEUKEIA/Zeugma and DOURA EUROPOS flourished long after the collapse of Seleucid rule.

      For the subsequent reoccupation of the site and the archaeological remains at the site—acropolis, city wall, necropolis—dating from the Imperial period, see Wagner, Seleukeia 74–83; Leriche and Gaborit in L’ Orient méditerranéen (Nantes) 381; Gaborit and Poccardi, Med. Ant. 3 (2000) 99, 103–7.

      3. On the location of Apameia see Wagner, Seleukeia 70ff., map II and photographs (pls. 3 and 4) at end; Desreumaux et al., CRAI (1999) 75–78; see also SELEUKEIA on the Euphrates /Zeugma.

      Wagner called attention (Seleukeia 76, 82–84; see also Chaumont, Syria 61 [1984] 74) to Bronze Age ceramic finds that suggest Apameia was a refounded native village. Nota bene, however, that no post–Bronze Age archaeological evidence has been found to indicate continuous habitation at the site prior to the Hellenistic period (J. G. Fuesanta et al., KST 23.1 [2002] 136; Abadie-Reynal in L’Orient méditerranéen [Nantes] 357–58).

      4. For the plan of the town and the fortification walls see, for example Desreumaux et al., CRAI (1999) 79–82 (plan on p. 80); Leriche and Gaborit in L’Orient méditerranéen (Nantes) 378–79. For the city blocks see Desreumaux et al., CRAI (1999) 83 (105 × 38 m); Leriche and Gaborit in L’Orient méditerranéen (Nantes) 379–80 (107 × 38 m). Cf., for example, the city blocks at ANTIOCH near Daphne (112 × 58 m), LAODIKEIA by the Sea (112 × 57 m), APAMEIA on the Axios (c. 107 × 54 m), and ALEXANDREIA near Egypt, n. 13.

      5. For the necropolis see Wagner, Seleukeia 79–82; A. Desreumaux et al., CRAI (1999) 84–103; G. Algaze, Anatolica 20 (1994) 20.

      6. Abadie-Reynal (in L’Orient méditerranéen [Nantes] 358) suggested that despite the absence of a citadel, the river and the fortification walls would have played a role in protecting the settlement. Leriche and Gaborit (in L’Orient méditerranéen [Nantes] 378) suggested that SELEUKEIA/Zeugma served as an acropolis for Apameia.

      DARA/DORA

      Evagrius (Hist. Eccl. 3.37) says that Dara was so named because Alexander the Great defeated Darius there. According to Malalas (16.10, CFHB 35.327; see also Chronicon Paschale 609, CSHB 4.1), the name Dora in Mesopotamia was given to it by Alexander because he struck Darius with a sword (dorati) and captured him at this place (chorion).¹ In any event, the attribution to Alexander is more fanciful than plausible. One thinks of the charming — but unconvincing—etymology of PARAITONION. Dara/Dora was renamed Anastasiopolis and fortified by Anastasios I in 505–507 A.D.² It was located approximately 26 kilometers northwest of Nisibis (ANTIOCH in Mygdonia).

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      1. Droysen (Hist. 2:669) and M. Whitby (The Ecclesiastical History of Evagrius Scholasticus [Liverpool, 2000] 182 n. 142) correctly dismissed both etymologies (i.e., Dara and Dora).

      2. For similar accounts of Anastasios’s activity in other late authors see also, for example, Procop. Pers. 1.10.9; Etym. Magnum s.v. “Daras”; Evagrius Hist. Eccl. 3.37 (ed. Bidez and Parmentier); Theophanes Chron. 150 (ed. De Boor); John of Nikiu 89.32 (trans. Charles); Theodore Anagnostes 558 (ed. Hansen).

      

      On Dara see Mango, ODB s.v. “Dara” and references cited there; for the location see map in B. Croke and J. Crow, JRS 73 (1983) 149.

      DIOSPAGE

      According to Pliny (NH 6.118–19), southeast of the Sitrae was the town of Azochis and nearby (“mox in campestribus oppida”) were the towns of Diospage, POLYTELEIA, STRATONIKEIA, and ANTHEMOUS.¹ We know nothing else about this town.² The name, at least, suggests a Greek or Macedonian settlement.

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      In general see Tcherikover, HS 85; and Dillemann, Mésopotamie 100f.

      1. See further STRATONIKEIA in Mesopotamia and ANTHEMOUSIAS.

      2. Markwart suggested that Diospage was Ras el ‘Aïn (Südarmenien 427; ain in Arabic means “spring” or “sources,” and pege/paga means “stream” or “source” in Greek). This is a reasonable suggestion, but speculative.

      EDESSA/ANTIOCH ON THE KALLIRHOE

      According to Stephanos (s.v. “Edessa”), Edessa was a city of Syria that was named for the Macedonian city “because of the flow/rush of the waters.”¹ It was established by Seleukos I Nikator, who was possibly refounding the native town of Adme.² At some later point, probably under Antiochos IV Epiphanes, it was renamed Antioch on the Kallirhoe.³ Kallirhoe was undoubtedly a reference to the Skirtos (Daisan) River, which flowed through the city, as well as to the two pools in the city that, like the pond at HIERAPOLIS Bambyke, contained the sacred fish.⁴ In the later, Syriac texts the city name was usually given as Orhay (the modern name Urfa is derived from this).⁵

      The Chronicon Anonymum ad Annum Christi 1234 Pertinens (p. 107; 84, trans. Chabot) tells the charming—if unlikely—story that Seleukos named the city after his oldest daughter and gave it to her as a dowry. The same chronicle (pp. 105–6) provides an idealized account of the building of Edessa; according to the account, Seleukos built a strong and high wall with towers, one of which still existed in the author’s time. There were also fortified citadels at the four corners of the city. The author also mentions palaces, temples, and markets and a water supply system.⁶

      Strabo’s claim (16.1.27) that Bambyke was known both as HIERAPOLIS СКАЧАТЬ