The Hellenistic Settlements in the East from Armenia and Mesopotamia to Bactria and India. Getzel M. Cohen

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СКАЧАТЬ in her provinces, is perhaps not so well obeyed as you are in yours. This is the immutable condition, the eternal law, of extensive and detached empire.” What affected the Turkish sultan doubtless affected the Seleucid kings as well.

      At least two other factors increased the difficulty of controlling the regions beyond the Tigris in the course of the third century B.C.: the restlessness and unhappiness of the Greeks in central Asia (on which, see below), the continuing warfare between the Seleucids and the Ptolemies—the so-called Syrian Wars—and the intermittent outbreaks of internecine warfare such as the “War of the Brothers.” Not surprisingly, various Macedonian generals in these eastern areas took advantage of these preoccupations in order to separate themselves and their fiefdoms from central Seleucid control (Strabo 11.11.1, 15.1.3).⁷⁵ It was only at the very end of the third century that a Seleucid monarch—Antiochos III—attempted to reassert royal control over these areas. Antiochos was successful, if only briefly. Soon after his defeat at Magnesia in 190 B.C. the Seleucids permanently lost control of large areas in the east—Bactria and the adjacent regions. Most of Iran remained under Seleucid hegemony during the first half of the second century B.C. In Media, it will be recalled, Antiochos IV Epiphanes refounded Ekbatana as an EPIPHANEIA. Nevertheless, the combined pressure of a native uprising under Epiphanes in Elymais followed by Parthian incursions in Elymais and Media further weakened the royal presence there until, finally, in 129 B.C. the Seleucids permanently lost control of all their territory beyond the Euphrates.

      E. Bickerman has correctly pointed out that we probably know less about the native Iranians under Hellenistic rule than we do about the indigenous inhabitants of, for example, Babylonia, Syria, or Phoenicia: contemporary records were written on perishable materials (e.g., leather, wood, and papyrus); furthermore, very few Greek inscriptions have thus far been found.⁷⁶ There are a number of monuments, bas-reliefs, and statues that recall the Graeco-Macedonian presence in these areas, but a memorial or monument does not necessarily indicate the existence of a Hellenistic settlement. The reception of the Hellenistic Greeks in the region of the Iranian plateau also presents a rather well-defined contrast with areas farther to the west. Thus, E. Yarshater has observed that the impact of the Greeks “produced in Iran a result differing from that in Syria, Asia Minor, and Egypt. Hellenism in these countries had a full flowering and spread a new form of culture; in Iran it remained only an influence—albeit a strong one. In other words, Iran did not lose its basic identity and did not abandon its own cultural traits, embodied above all in its religion. It soon attempted to pull away from the West. . . . Hellenism, which had been superimposed on latent national tendencies, was cast off in a movement initiated by the Parthians and carried out by the Sasanians.”⁷⁷ This is not to deny any Greek influence in the region. Quite the contrary. Thus, when the Parthians came to power they struck coins patterned after Seleucid models, complete with Greek legends. Furthermore, it useful to bear in mind that the Seleucid dynasty itself was half-Iranian in origin: Seleukos I Nikator had married Apama, the daughter of the Bactrian Spitamenes (Arr. 7.4.6). Thus, their son, Antiochos I Soter, was half-Iranian. But all these examples reflect the upper and ruling classes. The extent of the influence on the general population remains doubtful. In this context we may recall W. W. Tarn’s observation that the Greek and Macedonian settlers generally remained in the settlements and did not go out into the countryside.⁷⁸

      I have already alluded to some of the factors that will have discouraged heavy colonization on the Iranian plateau. Nevertheless, there was a relatively strong concentration of Hellenistic settlements in northwestern (and, to a lesser degree, northeastern) Iran.⁷⁹ This is especially noticeable in Media and the adjacent regions. The importance of Media to the Seleucids was noted by Strabo, who called them “the kings of Syria and Media” (11.9.2). Polybius observed that Media was “the most notable principality in Asia, both in the extent of its territory and the number and excellence of the men and also of the horses it produces. It supplies nearly the whole of Asia with these animals, the royal stud farms being entrusted to the Medes owing to the excellence of the pastures” (10.27.1–2, trans. Paton).⁸⁰ Not surprisingly, the region—both the frontier and the interior—was heavily settled by Alexander and his successors. Polybius observed (10.27.3–4) that Alexander the Great established a ring of “Greek cities”—except EKBATANA—around Media to protect it from neighboring barbarians (presumably he placed Ekbatana in a separate category because, as he notes [10.27.5], it had been the royal residence of the Medes). Interestingly, the mint mark of coins produced at Ekbatana was the forepart of a feeding horse.⁸¹ F. W. Walbank suggested that these settlements were needed in order to secure what would become “the central province of the Seleucid realm.”⁸² Strabo said (11.9.1) that Herakleia and APAMEIA were located in the vicinity of RHAGAI. Strabo also said (11.13.6) that among the Greek cities in Media that were founded by the Macedonians were LAODIKEIA, APAMEIA, the [city] near RHAGAI (κα? ? πρ?ς ‘Pάγαις), and Rhagai itself. We do not know the exact location of many of these settlements. Nevertheless, it is likely that many would have been located along the route from Syria to China.⁸³

      Hyrcania was located around the southeast corner of the Caspian Sea. Although no Hellenistic settlement is definitely attested for this region, Polybius does describe Sirynx (10.31.6) as the capital or royal residence (βασ?λειον) of Hyrcania. He also says that some Greeks lived there (10.31.11). An inscription found in the region of ancient Hyrcania records a sacral manumission that dates to the third century B.C.⁸⁴ The document provides evidence for a cult and sanctuary of Sarapis to whom the manumitted slave was dedicated on behalf of King Antiochos I Soter and his wife, Stratonike. Thus, the inscription indicates the presence of Greeks at a relatively early period in this area. Whether it also reflects the presence of a Greek colony, as Sherwin-White suggested, is less certain.⁸⁵

      Farther east—that is, in Parthia—there is evidence for at least five settlements—SOTEIRA, KALLIOPE, CHARIS, HEKATOMPYLOS, and ACHAIA—that Appian says were founded by Seleukos I Nikator (Syr. 57).⁸⁶ Aside from some information concerning Hekatompylos, little is known about any of the other foundations. In any event, the rise of the Arsacids and their assumption of control of Parthia (and Hyrcania) in the period after the mid-third century B.C. effectively ended the Seleucid presence there.⁸⁷

      

      In the southwest, in Susiana, Elymais, and Persis there were also a number of Seleucid settlements. In fact, one of the most important Hellenistic (re)foundations of the Iranian plateau was SELEUKEIA on the Eulaios, the former Susa.⁸⁸ Strabo (15.3.11) emphasized the extensive cultivation of grain in that region. He asserted that “Susis abounds so exceedingly in grain that both barley and wheat regularly produce one hundredfold, and sometimes even two hundred” (trans. Jones). Potts has expressd great skepticism regarding these claims. He noted that Strabo’s “account of the phenomenal yields achieved for wheat and barley crops strains all credulity.” He also doubted Strabo’s claim that it was the Macedonians who introduced viticulture there, since, as he pointed out, it is known that grapes were cultivated and wine manufactured in neighboring southern Mesoptamia from early times.⁸⁹ On the other hand, Diodorus (19.13.6) mentions that when they were in Susiana in c. 318/7 B.C. Eumenes and his men consumed rice, sesame, and dates, which grew in abundance in the region. Strabo also refers to the cultivation of rice there (16.1.18), but Potts cautioned that it is difficult to know whether Strabo was referring to conditions in his day (first century B.C./first century A.D.) or the late fourth century B.C., when Eumenes would have been marching through. Strabo also mentioned that liquid asphalt or naphtha was found in Susis (16.1.15). Finally, Le Rider has pointed out that the horse or the head of a horse on various bronze coins from Susa suggests that horse breeding was carried on there.⁹⁰ Susa was the site of a royal mint and, particularly after Antiochos III’s eastern campaign, a major commercial center for trade with the Persian Gulf region.

      I have discussed above the settlements along the Iranian littoral of the Persian Gulf.⁹¹

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