Diversión. Albert Sergio Laguna

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СКАЧАТЬ Mas Canosa, the radio offensive against Cuba received public government backing with the Reagan administration’s support of Radio Martí. Still active with the help of government funding, Radio Martí has a mission to provide “objective” news and information to Cubans on the island with the hopes of promoting “the cause of freedom” in Cuba.6 Over the years, the Office of Cuba Broadcasting has been criticized for mismanagement and an inability to live up to its stated goals. A 2010 report to the Committee on Foreign Relations of the US Senate cites poor journalism, a small audience on the island, Cuban signal jamming, and corruption within the Office of Cuba Broadcasting for its failures. With diplomatic relations between Washington and Havana restored, the future of the station is uncertain.

      At the same time that broadcasts were being transmitted to Cuba, radio was thriving in Miami. For members of the exile generation arriving in the 1960s and 1970s, radio quickly became “the medium of choice” for news and entertainment.7 Established by station owners, staff, and on-air talent who fled soon after the Revolution, radio stations and programming took on a distinctively Cuban flair. Stations modeled themselves on the radio culture in Cuba before the Revolution in order to attract audiences with programming that sounded familiar. As the Cuban population in Miami exploded in the second half of the twentieth century, so did the number of Spanish-language media outlets catering to their needs. The number of newspapers, television, and radio stations steadily increased, and by the late 1980s, there were eight Spanish-language radio stations serving the greater Miami area.8

      In those early years of exile, radio programs sought to demystify life in the United States by explaining new laws and customs. Stations paired discussions of quotidian concerns with a healthy dose of political commentary in ways that proved instrumental in consolidating the political and affective coordinates of exile cubanía. As María Cristina García explains, “Cuban radio reflected the more conservative views of the community. Editorials were staunchly anti-Castro and anti-communist, opposing a political rapprochement with Cuba and the lifting of the US trade embargo, and supporting émigrés’ paramilitary campaigns against the Cuban government.”9 As a mode of communication, radio creates a sense of community, “a strong collective sensibility,” strengthened further by a shared set of circumstances.10 These circumstances—exilic displacement and the existence of a common enemy embodied in the person of Fidel Castro—have been mobilized in media serving Cuban Miami over time to strengthen the notion of a community unified in politics and feeling.

      Despite the sense of a unified community relayed on the air, radio in Miami has been a contested site for the dissemination of opinions related to Cuba and local concerns. Proponents of the exile ideology used broadcasts to slam dialogueros—those willing to open communication with Cuba—as communists and agents of the Castro government. Attacks in the media were supplemented by physical violence, as María de los Angeles Torres explains: “Terrorism as a form of activism became ingrained in the political life of the exile community. Having gained control of the Miami media, many businesses, and the electoral arena, hard-line exile forces sought to impose a single, rigid anti-Castro viewpoint, using intimidation and violence to silence their opponents.”11 Radio personalities who condemned this violence became targets as well. In 1976, a car bomb maimed Emilio Milián, a broadcaster who criticized violence committed in the name of Cuba.

      In the early 1990s, those sympathetic to engagement with Cuba through dialogue saw the fall of the Soviet Union and the disastrous effects it had on the Cuban economy as an opportunity for change on the island.12 Once again, radio served as a bully pulpit rallying listeners against dialogue “almost round the clock” at a moment when many believed Castro was most vulnerable.13 With this sentiment in the air, supporters of the exile ideology successfully lobbied Congress to tighten the embargo, and in 1992 the Cuban Democracy Act (also known as the Torricelli Act) passed. Congress intensified sanctions again in 1996, when President Bill Clinton signed the Helms-Burton Act into law.14 In 2000, Miami gained international notoriety for the Elián González saga and the heavily contested Bush-Gore presidential election. The scholarship of Susan Eckstein and Isabel Molina Guzmán reveals that Miami’s Spanish-language media largely supported the family’s asylum claim on Elián’s behalf.15

      But as this book repeatedly asserts, it was never all doom and gloom, fire and brimstone on the Miami airwaves. Guillermo Alvarez Guedes enjoyed a long radio career. Old episodes of La tremenda corte (The Outrageous Court) produced in Cuba before the Revolution featuring comic superstar Leopoldo “Tres Patines” Fernández continue to be aired today. Zig-Zag, a satirical newspaper famous in pre-Castro Cuba and relaunched in exile, had its own radio program transmitting humor for Cubans in Miami and on the island.16 When radio programs took aim at the corruption within the exile community through the lens of humor, they themselves could become targets. Veteran satirist Alberto González learned this lesson with a radio show called La mogolla (The Muddle) that got canceled on more than one station in the late 1980s and early 1990s for angering Miami power brokers.17 Meanwhile, other radio personalities like Los Fonomemecos (Miguel González and Gilberto Reyes) and Eddy Calderón, popular in the 1990s and 2000s, utilized forms of diversión that were politically “safe” in targeting Fidel Castro and the Cuban government more broadly.

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