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Article 39. ‘The Government is entrusted to three Consuls appointed for ten years, and indefinitely re-eligible. Each of them is to be elected individually with the distinct quality of Chief, Second, or Third Consul. The first time the Third Consul shall only be named for five years. For the present time General Bonaparte is appointed Chief Consul, Citizen Cambaceres, now Minister of Justice, Second Consul, and Citizen Lebrun, Member of the Committee of Antients, Third Consul.’ Article 41. ‘The Chief Consul is to promulgate the laws: he is to name and revoke at pleasure the Members of the Council of State; the Ministers, Ambassadors, and other principal foreign agents, the officers of the army by land and sea, the members of local administration and the Commissioners of the Government at the Tribunals. He is to appoint all Judges, Criminal and Civil, as well as Justices of the Peace, and the Judges of Cassation, without the power of afterwards revoking them.’ Article 43. ‘The salary of the Chief Consul shall be 500,000 francs for the 8th year’ (ending September 22, 1800). ‘The salary of the other two Consuls shall be equal to three-tenths of that of the first.’ So that we see Napoleon fully knew how to take care of himself.
On January 1, 1800, Gillray published ‘The French Triumvirate settling the New Constitution’—and mighty wise they look. (See next page.)
In the year 1799, Consols ranged from 55 in January to 62¼, the closing price in December. Bread, however, was dear, the average of the quartern loaf being 13d.
It was in the latter part of this year that Napoleon notified to George the Third his elevation to the dignity of First Consul, and appropriately chose Christmas Day on which to date his letter, which breathed (sincerely or not) ‘Peace on earth, goodwill towards men.’
CAMBACERES. LE-BRUN. BUONAPARTE.
Bonaparte, First Consul of the Republic, to His Majesty the King of Great Britain and Ireland.
Paris 5 Nivôse year VIII. of the Republic.
Called by the wishes of the French Nation to occupy the first magistracy of the French Republic, I deem it desirable, in entering on its functions, to make a direct communication to your Majesty.
Must The War, which for four years, has ravaged every part of the world, be eternal? Are there no means of coming to an understanding?
How can the two most enlightened nations of Europe, more powerful and stronger than is necessary for their safety and independence, sacrifice to the idea of a vain grandeur, the benefits of commerce, of internal prosperity, and domestic happiness? How is it they do not feel that peace is as glorious as necessary?
These sentiments cannot be strangers to the heart of your Majesty, who rules over a free nation, with no other view than to render them happy.
Your Majesty will only see in this overture my sincere desire to effectually contribute to a general pacification, by a prompt step, free and untrammeled by those forms, which, necessary, perhaps, to disguise the apprehensions of feeble states, only prove in the case of strong ones, the mutual desire to deceive.
France and England, by abusing their strength, may for a long time yet, to the misery of all other nations, defer the moment of their absolute exhaustion; but I will venture to say that the fate of all civilised nations, depends on the end of a war which envelopes the whole world.
signed Bonaparte.
The British Government did not quite see it, but considered that the claws of the French eagle required yet more cutting. They had been partially operated on at the Nile, and at Acre. Italy was no longer under French rule. Suwarrow’s victories had severely crippled the French, who were, besides, very weak financially. Add to this, that there were 140,000 Austrians gathering along the Rhine. But still it was judged they were yet too sharp for the peace of Europe.
The answer from the English Court,
Vex’d Nap, according to report:
’Twas to the Minister address’d,
It being candidly confess’d
That there appear’d not the least cause
To break through ceremonial laws;
In this his Majesty agreed,
Peace was desirable indeed,
If that his Majesty were able
T’ obtain one permanent and stable;
But that at present there was poor hope
For England, and indeed for Europe,
Till France her lawful princes own’d
The Bourbons—whom she had dethron’d.
This, really, was the tenor of Lord Grenville’s reply, dated January 4, 1800, which is far too long, and uninteresting, to reproduce.
Gillray caricatured this letter of Napoleon’s (February 24, 1800) in ‘The Apples and the Horse dung, or Buonaparte among the Golden Pippins; from an old Fable. Explanation.—Some horse dung being washed by the current from a neighbouring dunghill, espied a number of fair apples swimming up the stream, when, wishing to be thought of consequence, the horse dung would every moment be bawling out, “Lack-a-day, how we apples swim!” See Buonaparte’s “Letter to his Majesty,” and Mr. Whitbread’s “Remarks upon the Correspondence between Crowned Heads.” ’ Although Gillray did not choose a very savoury subject to illustrate his caricature, yet there is much humour in it.
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