Prefigurative Politics. Paul Raekstad

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      Contemporary society presents us with a contradiction. It is generating a tendency towards greater oligarchy and authoritarianism on the one hand, and a tendency towards greater freedom, equality, and democracy on the other. The future of our species and many others hangs on the question: which way will we go? This book presents arguments for prefigurative politics and shows how it can best be implemented in practice. Whether enough people with the capacity to actively take a stance for a more free, equal, and democratic society will do so, however, is up to each of us. We can’t tell you how it is going to end, but we can tell you that it’s already begun.

Notes

1 One kind of reconstruction is revolution, which we discuss in Chapter 3. 2 That Gandhi is seen by many as the quintessential prefigurativist is regrettable, since Gandhi’s politics were in many respects deeply problematic and very different from those of most contemporary advocates of prefigurative politics. For example, Gandhi lobbied against the rights of Black people in South Africa, defended the Indian caste system, and was unapologetically a serial sexual abuser (Roy 2017). While we can’t expect prefigurativists to be perfect or never make mistakes, these shortcomings are worth mentioning here due to Gandhi’s status as a prefigurativist par excellence in the eyes of many. 3 The first official publication to mention the phrase ‘the personal is political’ was Carol Hanisch’s 1970 article with that title, so named by the editors of the volume in which it appeared. It was, however, in use among feminist activists before then. 4 We have mentioned only a handful out of countless prefigurative projects. Our examples here focus on decolonial, antiracist and feminist movements since these were very influential and important before the term was first employed in its current meaning by Boggs, but are often neglected. The anti-nuclear and environmental movements became hugely influential on prefigurativism later, in the 1980s and ’90s. 5 Here we should perhaps again note one of the limitations of our work, which is that it focuses on English-language texts (including many in English translation) and on debates that occur in English-language political and academic contexts. However, we would also like to point out that many of the texts, thinkers, and ideas discussed here were not originally part of that context – i.e. they were not academic(s), not written or originally read in English, and in some cases knew no English at all. 6 Private property is a concept that is often misunderstood. It refers to the ownership of things that entail or garner significant social power, such as factory buildings, flats for rent, machinery, a brand name, raw materials, or a business as a whole with all of its possessions included. This is usually distinguished from personal property, or possessions which don’t give someone power over others, such as clothes, toothbrushes, and so on. Being against private property does not mean advocating an end to all personal possessions or that everyone should share the same toothbrush or live in the same room. 7 This definition draws on a range of sources, but especially conversations with Mathijs van de Sande and van de Sande (2015), which have been invaluable during the process of writing this book and to which we especially owe the inclusion of ‘experimental’ in our definition. 8 See Nietzsche 2006: 53. 9 See Holloway 2010; Sitrin 2012; and Zibechi 2012.10 See Bray 2013; Graeber 2009 and 2013; Gould-Wartofsky 2015; Maeckelbergh 2011 and 2012; Sitrin and Azzellini 2014; van de Sande 2015.11 See Bray 2013; Gould-Wartofsky 2015; Graeber 2009; and Dixon 2014.12 See Harnecker 2015; Mészáros 1995; and Lebowitz 2010, 2014, and 2015.13 See Biehl 1998; Bookchin 1993, 2005, and 2015; Dirik 2016; Dirik et al. 2016; Knapp et al. 2016; Strangers in a Tangled Wilderness 2015; Öcalan 2017.14 See Franks 2006; Gordon 2018; and Kinna 2016.15 See Monticelli 2018; Raekstad 2018b; Swain 2017; Yates 2015; and Wright 2010; see also note 12 for this chapter.16 This is part of the broader interest we have in drawing together the better parts of anarchist and Marxist theory and putting them into dialogue with each other. We think that for too long sectarian differences have hindered such dialogue, and that reaching a better future requires a much more careful discussion of these two important bodies of thought than has typically taken place. We are not trying to reduce one to the other, nor trying to salvage all the ideas associated with either of the two. What we try to do here is explore some surprising common ground, and see how that can help us to better understand many of their views on, and arguments about, prefigurative politics.

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