The Squeeze: Oil, Money and Greed in the 21st Century. Tom Bower

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СКАЧАТЬ America and Britain sparked the declaration by Saudi Arabia of an oil embargo, but this show of bravado descended into farce when the Seven Sisters efficiently organised increased supplies from Iran and Venezuela, and Saudi Arabia’s income plummeted. The fiasco emboldened Muammar Gaddafi after his coup in Libya in 1969. ‘My country has survived 5,000 years without oil,’ he told Peter Walters, BP’s managing director, during their first tense meeting in 1970, ‘and unless we get more money we will stop supplies.’ A huge spurt in demand had prompted Exxon to forecast for the first time a world shortage of oil, and the fear of scarcity, plus America’s increase in imports to 28 per cent of its consumption, served the interests of OPEC. The Seven Sisters, OPEC knew, could only control prices so long as there was a surplus of oil. Armand Hammer, the chairman of Occidental, was the first to capitulate, reducing production and increasing his payments to Gaddafi in May 1970. Gaddafi’s success encouraged the Shah of Iran, and then the governments of Venezuela and Saudi Arabia, to demand price hikes. The oil companies feared losing their power to threaten the producers with a boycott if they rejected the prices they stipulated. Meeting in New York on 11 January 1971, 23 oil companies agreed, with the American government’s permission, to breach the anti-trust laws, and confront Libya and OPEC. Their unity was short-lived. During negotiations in Tehran and Tripoli in March 1971, the companies’ agreement disintegrated, and prices were increased beyond their limits. ‘We’ll never recover,’ Walters lamented. ‘There is no doubt that the buyer’s market for oil is over,’ admitted David Barran, Shell’s chairman. The Arabs, he noted, felt betrayed by the West. Sensing weakness, the Libyan and Iraqi governments began partial nationalisation of Western oil interests in 1972. The United States, said Gaddafi, deserved ‘a good hard slap on its cool and insolent face’. The Shah agreed. He nationalised 51 per cent of the oil majors’ Iranian interests and increased prices again. Peter Walters was meeting OPEC representatives in Vienna on 6 October 1973 when he heard that Egypt and Syria had invaded Israel during Yom Kippur, the most holy day in the Jewish calendar. The relationship between the OPEC producers and the Seven Sisters had changed unalterably. The public and the politicians blamed the oil companies for creating chaos and making excessive profits. In the vacuum of considered energy policies, Western governments were accused of perpetuating a ‘fool’s paradise’ by relying on arrogant oil executives to supply civilisation’s lifeblood. Eric Drake, BP’s chairman, admitted to Andy Hall and other graduates recruited during that epic year that oil would probably rise from $2.90 to the unprecedented price of $10 a barrel. Prices actually rose to $12, provoking the Seven Sisters’ disintegration and the industry’s transformation. Oil was no longer a concession or a product for refining, but became a tradable commodity attractive to cowboys.

      Until 1973, oil traders hardly existed except for a fringe group who, to the irritation of BP and Shell, shipped crude from Russia to Rotterdam to supply West Germany and Switzerland. After the Seven Sisters were disabled, BP and Shell no longer felt obliged to protect the Arabs’ monopoly. Whenever the corporations had a surplus of crude, they traded it for instant delivery in Rotterdam, one of the world’s largest oil-storage areas. Anro, a subsidiary of BP managed by Yorkshireman Chris Houseman, began speculating in oil and refined products based on ‘spot’ prices quoted in Rotterdam, and Shell established Petra, a rival trader in the port. Gradually the two companies replaced the fixed-price contracts agreed with OPEC with contracts based on prices quoted among traders on the day of delivery in Rotterdam. Oil became a traded commodity in an unregulated market, subject only to finance from banks and counter-party risk.

      The treatment of oil as a commodity akin to sugar, rice, coal and particularly metal ores caught the attention of Marc Rich, a secretive trader employed by Philipp Brothers, the world’s largest supplier of raw materials, based in New York. Ambitious for wealth, Rich would achieve notoriety in 2000 when, in the last moments of the Clinton administration, the president granted him a pardon on charges of tax evasion. Rich’s journey had begun in the late 1960s. Accustomed to play both sides in order to control the market for any mineral buried in the earth, he and his partner Pincus (‘Pinky’) Green had realised that the Seven Sisters’ control of the oil surplus would eventually be challenged and replaced by the producers’ governments. Like the handful of rival traders in London, Rich understood both the complications and the simplicity of oil. After sophisticated technology had found a reservoir, basic project management would efficiently pipe the crude to a tanker for delivery to a refinery. To earn a real fortune from trading oil, Rich knew, required understanding of refining – heating crude oil to boiling point and separating the parts: naphtha for chemicals and the distillates to make petrol, jet fuel, heating oil, kerosene and diesel. Making a profit from the manufacture of those fuels depended on understanding the constraints of the 600 refineries in the world, each calibrated to process a particular crude from roughly 120 different types. If a refinery calibrated for Iranian crude was denied supplies, the adjustment to process the alternative heavy, ‘sour’ sulphur crude from Saudi Arabia or the lighter ‘sweet’ crude from Iraq was expensive and time-consuming. Profiting from oil, Rich knew, depended on anticipating the circumstances that could cause a disruption of the market or spotting a potential shortage, and securing alternative supplies.

      The biggest profits were earned by breaking embargoes, of which none was more high-profile than that against the apartheid regime in South Africa. A company called Sigmoil, loosely connected to Philipp Brothers, dispatched laden tankers from New York to South Africa. In the middle of the Atlantic, the ships’ names were changed by rapid repainting, successfully confusing the hostile intelligence services in South Africa. In that atmosphere, Rich was looking for his own niche.

      In early 1973, Rich heard rumours about a forthcoming Arab invasion of Israel. That war, he believed, would lead to an oil embargo and soaring prices. Rich was focused on Iranian oil, which in the event of war would be withheld. If he could accumulate and store Iranian oil, its value would rocket after the crisis erupted. Rich was able to find Iranian officials close to the Shah, the pro-Western dictator imposed on the country after a CIA coup in 1953, who were prepared to break their government’s agreement to supply oil exclusively to the Seven Sisters. Working in the shadows, Rich flew to inhospitable locations to supervise the loading of crude onto tankers destined for refineries in Spain and Israel and, more importantly, storage in Rotterdam. In exchange for selling the oil below the world price to Philipp Bros, but unbeknownst to the company’s directors, the Iranian officials, it is alleged, received ‘chocolates’ in their Swiss bank accounts. Even the corrupt, Rich always acknowledged, were clever. In New York, however, Philipp’s directors disbelieved Rich’s information about an imminent war. Fearful of the financial risks of purchasing and storing Iranian crude, they ordered the stocks to be sold. Philipp Bros’ position has always been that they had no idea what Rich was up to.

      After the October invasion, as Israel fought for survival, the oil producers met and agreed to increase prices; to prevent any supplies of weapons reaching Israel, they also imposed an embargo on Holland and the USA. In the face of queues and rationing of petrol, there was fear throughout the West of economic devastation. Richard Nixon, fighting to retain his presidency in the midst of the Watergate scandal, supported Israel against what Henry Kissinger, his secretary of state, called OPEC’s ‘political blackmail’. In retaliation after Israel’s victory, the Shah, hosting a conference of OPEC producers in Tehran in December 1973, urged even higher prices than $12 a barrel. Privately, Nixon protested about the potential ‘catastrophic problems’ that would be caused by the ‘destabilising impact’ of the price increase. Iran, the Shah replied, needed to realise the maximum from its resources, which ‘might be finished in 30 years’. Whether the Shah believed his prophecy was uncertain, but OPEC’s new power was indisputable.

      By then, Marc Rich and Pinky Green had quit Philipp Bros in fury to create a rival organisation. Registered in Zug, Switzerland, Rich’s new company used Philipp’s secrets and key staff to establish a network that spanned the globe, although СКАЧАТЬ