Captured Peace. Christine J. Wade

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      The consequences of this incumbency can be felt throughout Salvadoran society and extend well beyond the implementation of the accords. For two decades, ARENA and its allies dominated the country’s political, economic, and social agenda. In the political sphere, institutions became highly politicized and limited the scope of representation. Political parties, not citizens, became the primary political actors in El Salvador’s new democracy. Moreover, the lack of reconciliation between the wartime adversaries limited prospects for societal reconciliation. Neoliberal economic reforms failed to generate long-term sustainable growth, and Salvadorans increasingly came to rely on remittances to sustain their households. The delays and difficulties associated with the restructuring of the armed forces and the creation of the new civilian police force resulted in a security gap that has had profound consequences for every aspect of Salvadoran society. This book investigates the political, economic, and social aftermath of the peace accords in an effort to illuminate the serious limitations of peacebuilding in what might otherwise be considered a successful peace process.

      Chapter 1 identifies patterns of elite behavior and interests that have characterized the Salvadoran state, with the intention of identifying patterns and structures that made captured peacebuilding possible. As demonstrated herein, Salvadoran elites have historically used state resources to consolidate control and advance their own interests. This tendency is evident in the political and economic foundations of the independent Salvadoran state, as demonstrated by the consolidation of power by the Salvadoran oligarchy in the late nineteenth century. I seek to identify critical junctures in El Salvador’s past that underscored elite preferences and shaped the context of negotiations and implementation of the accords. As such, I examine the 1881 and 1882 land reforms; the resulting socioeconomic and political tensions of the early twentieth century sparked by the 1931 coup and 1932 peasant rebellion led by Farabundo Martí (and the crushing response to it) that resulted in the a precarious arrangement between the oligarchy and the military; the succession of reactionary and reformist military governments in the 1960s and 1970s that culminated in heightened repression and the overthrow of the military regime in October 1979; and the consequences of U.S. support for the military and democracy promotion in the 1980s.

      Chapter 2 examines the structures and dynamics of the peace process that made captured peace possible. I begin with an overview of the peace negotiations and the contents of the agreements that made up the peace accords, examining the extent to which local actors were able to shape the scope and the contents of the agreements. I then address the implementation of the accords, with particular emphasis on the gap between the content of peace accords and their actual implementation. I also examine the extent to which the incumbent government undermined societal reconciliation through the 1993 amnesty law, which has had significant implications for peacebuilding. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the 1994 “elections of the century” that mark El Salvador’s transition to democracy, as well as the return of the incumbent ARENA party to power.

      Chapters 3 through 5 offer an empirical analysis of postwar peacebuilding in El Salvador by exploring the political, economic, and social dynamics of a captured peace. Chapter 3 assesses postwar politics, including the challenges of democratization and increasing polarization. I review the electoral reforms implemented during and after the peace accords in order to highlight systematic barriers to participation that may have benefited the incumbent party. The chapter then focuses on the monopolization of political discourse by political parties, as well as the extent to which parties provide a meaningful conduit for popular representation. I also provide a discussion of the internal development of political parties and examine how party polarization affects representation and the quality of democracy. This is followed by an analysis of the postwar election cycles after 1994 for presidential elections (1999, 2004, 2009, 2014) and legislative and municipal elections (1997, 2000, 2003, 2006, 2009, 2012, 2015).

      Chapter 4 examines the postwar economy, which has been characterized by deepening economic exclusion through the application of the neoliberal model across four successive ARENA administrations. The policies implemented under the administration of Alfredo Cristiani were concurrent with the negotiation of the peace accords and the early phases of their implementation. The continued application of the model by the Calderón Sol and Flores administrations deepened the reforms, which resulted in increased political and social opposition. The popular dissatisfaction with the economy under Flores led to a change in discourse under the Saca administration, which was instead imbued with populist language and social programs while continuing neoliberal policies. ARENA’s policies did little to alleviate socioeconomic exclusion, and the economy became overly dependent on remittances sent back from Salvadorans living abroad. The failure of these policies was exposed by the global financial crisis, from which the country has yet to recover. I also assess the extent to which the Funes administration was able to diverge from the model established by the ARENA governments and the conflicts that arose as a result of policies that threatened elite interests. Additionally, various corruption scandals exposed the extent to which those in power used the state for their own benefit.

      Chapter 5 addresses three dominant problems of postwar society: migration, crime, and the limitation of political space for civil society. Social exclusion and marginalization have both political and economic roots that precede the peace accords, although the impact of neoliberalism and the retraction of the state from public spheres have contributed greatly to these problems. The failure to deal with these issues has resulted in the mass emigration of Salvadorans in the postwar era, which has resulted in the deterioration of families and society and has helped fuel a wave of crime and violence of epic proportions, for which El Salvador has now become notorious. The multifaceted causes of this crime and violence are examined, which includes a discussion of state complicity and failures during the implementation of security reforms. This chapter also explores policy responses to crime and highlights how ARENA used social exclusion and authoritarianism as instruments of the state to maintain the status quo.

      In the final chapter I summarize the book’s major findings and discuss the extent to which it is possible to reclaim the captured peace. I also discuss the lessons that El Salvador’s captured peace holds for peacebuilders and seek to identify mechanisms that might limit the advantage of incumbent elites.

      Chapter 1

       Elites and the Salvadoran State

      The main bequest of the nineteenth century was a small elite, entrenched in power and virtually closed to newcomers, that was to shape the twentieth century. . . . Upon those weak foundations they built a structure heavy with injustices, inconsistencies, and political ineptitude.

      —Héctor Lindo-Fuentes, 1990¹

      EL SALVADOR WAS a backwater colony of the Spanish empire in Latin America, which lacked the natural resources and labor pool that were so plentiful in countries such as Mexico and Peru. As a consequence, little investment in the basic infrastructure of the country took place before independence. While an independent El Salvador inherited the poverty of its colonial past, much of the extreme inequality of Salvadoran society is often attributed to the development of the coffee oligarchy known as Las Catorce (the Fourteen Families).² The country’s oligarchy ruled El Salvador by itself for the first century after independence, then through the military for a sixty-year period beginning in the 1930s, using force to quell any real or perceived challenge to the status quo. Even modest attempts to alter the social order were resisted СКАЧАТЬ