Food and Environment in Early and Medieval China. E. N. Anderson
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СКАЧАТЬ old one. Postmodernists often claim to have invented the latter view, but in fact it goes well back in social science. Deborah Tooker has provided a wonderfully concise list of the sins of old-time anthropology, as seen by today’s postmodern anthropologists: “1) being too functionalist; 2) following a romantic Germanic notion of culture; 3) following a discipline-based rhetoric of holism in text construction … ; 4) biologizing culture by viewing it as organic; 5) imposing a coherent notion of culture that does not allow for contradictions and inconsistencies; 6) naturalizing culture and ignoring the fact that it must be socially produced; 7) exoticizing the other[s] by placing them out of time and space; 8) reinforcing indigenous systems of power inequalities by silencing alternative viewpoints (sometimes in collusion with colonialist interests) [this sin is actually more common among postmodernists than it was among the old-timers—ENA]; or 9) isolating indigenous cultures from historical forces and larger regional systems of power inequalities” (Tooker 2012: 38–39).

      All these criticisms of old-time anthropology are well taken; they have much truth. (In fact, I was making them long before postmodernism was heard of.) But many old-timers succeeded in avoiding them, and many postmodernists do not. One might also counter that postmodern anthropologists often 1) deny any function to cultural ways, thus making them seem arbitrary and vapid; 2) forget that Herder (the “romantic German”) was arguing for cultural tolerance and was the first known human being to do so with a full-scale logical argument; 3) ignore holism when it is there; 4) deny any biology in culture, even to alleging that people construct foodways with no attention to nutrition; 5) look only at contradictions and inconsistencies, ignoring real consensus; 6) unnaturalize culture by describing it as if it were mere arbitrary claims; 7) exoticize the others by maintaining that “indigenous” people had no power or resource conflicts; 8) focus only on external power imposition; 9) focus only on larger systems and never describing, or even showing any concern for, local cultures.

      As always, truth is in the middle, but in this case it is not in some kind of missing middle ground, but rather in adopting all eighteen alternatives—but only to a reasonable degree. A functionalist explanation of eating with knife and fork is not historically adequate; people did fine before forks were adopted during the late Renaissance. But claiming that the fork has no function in modern eating would be insane.

      Particularly important is getting a reasonable perspective on the last two items in the list. All societies have power inequalities (if only old versus young), and all have to deal with other societies who may push them around or who may push back when annoyed. There were indeed many anthropologists in the old days who ignored this point (though many did not), and many today who focus so exclusively on power that the people are reduced to cardboard-stereotype victims—reducing them to Agamben’s “bare life” (1998) in description, when they are not in reality.

      CHAPTER 1

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      Prehistoric Origins Across Eurasia

      When freezing to death, face the wind and stand straight;

      when starving to death, never bend.

      (dung si ying feng zhan, e si bu zheyao)

      —Chinese proverb

       China Before Agriculture

      China has been inhabited by humans for perhaps a million years. Here we speak, of course, of the geographical region now occupied (and overflowed) by the nation-state “China.” The region is a compact, tightly defined one, bordered by mountains and deserts, but it had no name until the Qin Dynasty unified its inner, richer districts and gave a name that slowly became fixed on the whole land. Strictly speaking, then, applying the name “China” to prehistoric central East Asia is anachronistic (Standen 2011) but has a very long history, so I follow that usage.

      During those million years, cold dry glacial periods alternated with warm wet interglacial ones. Primitive humans—Homo erectus and, later, little-known hominids similar to Neanderthals (Homo sapiens neanderthalis)—had to cope with these violent fluctuations. Their stone technology was sophisticated and diverse as early as 800,000 years ago (Gibbons 2000; Hotz 2000). Most technology then was evidently of wood or bamboo, and we have little evidence of it. They no doubt fed on anything they could find that would not poison them or outfight them. As we used to say in my youth in the rural United States, they “would eat anything that won’t eat back faster.” However, early claims of evidence for cannibalism in “Peking man” (Homo erectus pekinensis) have turned out to be wrong. The evidence for deliberate use of fire (accepted in Anderson 1988) has also been very strongly questioned by recent research (Weiner et al. 1998; Bar-Yosef and Wang 2012 provide a thorough recent review of the Chinese Paleolithic).

      Modern humans—Homo sapiens sapiens—arrived before 30,000 years ago, introducing tools that were more varied, small-sized, and sophisticated (Liu et al. 2013). By 20,000 years ago, people were hunting mammals and birds and eating fruits and seeds across what is now China, leaving many sophisticated stone points, knives, grinding slabs (metates), and other tools for us to find. Among their foods were millets (already very important), beans, gourds, and tubers (notably yams) of genera that later produced domesticated species (2013). The yams may well have been used medicinally, as they were in later times.

      Humans were also making pottery at that early date. By far the earliest pottery in the world has been found at Xianrendong Cave in Jiangxi, near the mouth of the Yangzi by Xiaohong Wu and collaborators (Shelach 2012; Xiaolong Wu et al. 2012; pottery that may be 17,000 years old has now turned up in Europe, Heritage Daily 2012). It was simple cooking ware. As the investigators point out, these findings somewhat demolish Gordon Childe’s idea of a Neolithic Revolution (Childe 1954) that gave us pottery, ground stone, and agriculture all in one swoop a few thousand years ago. Pottery came later than agriculture in the Near East, but far earlier in eastern Asia. Ground stone was earlier everywhere.

      In Japan, pottery was fairly common by 15,000–11,800 years ago and was used a great deal to make fish stews (Craig et al. 2013; it is tentatively reported by 16,000 BCE, Kuzmin 2008a). Pottery was also very early on the nearby Siberian mainland (13,000). Irina Zhuschchikhovskaya (1997; a wonderful name) found it at 11,000 BCE in the Amur Valley. By 11,300 it was well distributed across China (Jiang and Liu 2006; Kuzmin 2008a, b). It spread west through Siberia and Central Asia, reaching the Near East shortly after agriculture began, around 9000 BCE. Perhaps the Near East independently invented pottery (as the New World certainly did), but it looks to me more like a diffusion from east to west. It remains interesting that pottery came long before agriculture all over East Asia, while in West Asia and the New World, agriculture came first.

       A Bit About Physical Ancestry

      Humans are almost literally siblings beneath the epidermis. We are genetically so close that we are, in that sense, one big family.

      Until the use of genetic tests on a large scale, we really could not say much about the complex population history of Eurasia. The mix of peoples was too great. With genetics to help, things have become somewhat clearer (see, e.g., Cochran and Harpending 2009; Diamond 2005b; J. Li et al. 2008). Broadly speaking, humans came out of northeast Africa, starting perhaps 100,000 years ago, and continuing, with a great deal of back and forth movement, usually in slow trickles. The earliest ornaments and other symbolic items first appear in Africa about 70,000 years ago.

      In Eurasia, modern humans mixed with Neanderthals, so that modern Eurasians are about 2–7 percent Neanderthal (Africans mixed with their own equivalent neighbors). Also, as modern humans moved east, they encountered a mysterious, newly discovered form of human being. This form was first found as fragments in Denisova Cave, Russian Siberia, just northeast of Kazakhstan and СКАЧАТЬ