Russian Jews Between the Reds and the Whites, 1917-1920. Oleg Budnitskii

Чтение книги онлайн.

СКАЧАТЬ Jewish revolutionaries did a lot of work behind the scenes, they were eager to take the stage as well, and there were a large number of Jews among the orators in various political arenas. In this respect, they refused to follow the model of behavior espoused by Vinaver and Dubnov, and made their presence felt. This fact was noticed by those who tended to see only Jews among the revolutionary parties, as well as those who were slightly more objective.

      For the memoirists of 1917 among the most striking orators were Steklov (Nakhamkes), the Menshevik Fedor Dan, and the Bundist Meir Liber. Fedor Stepun would write, “In those days [the first weeks after February] the imposing, deafening figure of the bearded Steklov would appear on stage more often than any other. He was a zealous Anarcho-Marxist.”⁶⁵ Liber and Dan appeared so often before the Petrograd Soviet that the verb “to Liberdanize” soon appeared in public discourse.

      In Odessa, the most prominent speakers and social critics of the time included the Bolsheviks Aleksandr Khmelnitskii (the future People's Commissar for Justice in Ukraine in 1919), Ian Gamarnik, Sergei Ingulov (Reizer), Leonid Isaakovich Ruzer, and the SRs Rikhter and S. S. Zak (along with the “iconic” SR N. N. Kuliabko-Koretskii). Khaim Ryt served as the leader of Odessa's anarchists from 1917 to 1918.⁶⁶

      A similar picture could be found in Kiev, Minsk, Vitebsk, and any other city with a significant Jewish population, as well as in a few locales outside of the confines of the Pale of Settlement. In Rostov-on-Don the Social Democrats S. M. Gurvich, and A. S. Lokerman, as well as the SRs Shraiber, Freid, Berdichevskii and others, were elected to the city Duma and the Soviet of Workers' Deputies. At some points debate in both of these organizations would go on nearly exclusively between Jews.

      The local summer elections of 1917 provided some intriguing results. Within the territory of the Pale, they demonstrated who controlled the sympathies of the local population. Yet even in territories outside of the Pale, Jews would become members of the government by election through party lists. This would seem to indicate that Jewish heritage was not a “deal-breaker” for the local Christian population, at least at this particular moment in history.

      Seven Bund members joined the socialist coalition in the Kiev Duma, which also included the SRs and Social Democrats. Three deputies were elected on the united ticket of the OESRP and Poalei Zion. The Jewish Democratic Bloc, which included Zionists, members of Agudat Yisrael, and the unaffiliated Soviet of United Jewish Organizations, received five seats total.

      In Minsk twenty-eight representatives of Jewish parties were elected to the city Duma, which amounted to more than 25 percent of the total number of voting deputies. Sixteen of these came from the Jewish National Bloc composed of non-socialist parties, whereas the Bund managed only ten seats as part of the Social Democratic Bloc, and Poalei Zion and Zionist Socialists won one seat each.

      In Vitebsk, the Bund came out ahead, winning eleven seats as part of a coalition with the SRs and Mensheviks, while Zionist and Orthodox parties won nine seats, with one seat being held by the Folkspartei.

      The dominance of the Bund in heavily Jewish territories can be explained by the fact that they gained votes by forming coalitions, allowing them to get extra support from non-Jews. This option wasn't a possibility for the Zionist or Orthodox parties, or for those Jewish socialist parties that decided to enter the elections on their own.⁶⁷

      In several cities, Jews were to assume leadership roles in local government structures and legislatures. A. Vainshtein (Rakhmiel) was elected chairman of the city Duma in Minsk, and the Menshevik Ilia Polonskii was elected to lead Ekaterinoslav, while his fellow party member A. M. Ginzburg (Naumov) became the second-in-command in Kiev. Bund member D. Chertkov was elected chairman of the Duma in Saratov.⁶⁸ Later on, the Bolsheviks would be blamed for placing the two capitals in the hands of Jews (Zinoviev in Petrograd and Kamenev in Moscow). However, Jews were already leading the city governments as early as June 1917, with the SR G. I. Shreider being democratically elected to govern Petrograd,⁶⁹ while his fellow party member O. S. Minor was elected chairman of the Moscow city Duma.

      The Jewish population of Rostov served as a microcosm for the Jewish political experience in the year 1917. Like many other Jewish communities, Rostov Jews were split into a multitude of political parties and organizations. Zionists, Poalei Zion, SERP, the Bund, and a number of Jewish organizations sympathetic to the Kadets united to form the “United Committee of Jewish Social Organizations” (OKO). But the most politically active members of the Jewish community were to be found in the Russian political parties, ranging from the Kadets to the Bolsheviks.

      The city Duma elections neatly illustrated the political sympathies of Rostov's Jews and their role in the political life of the city. Elections were conducted according to party lists. Mikhail Rabinovich was elected on the Zionist ticket, while the Bund and the SERP joined a coalition with the SRs, Mensheviks, and the Armenian party Dashnaktsutiun. The local representatives of Poalei Zion endorsed the socialist bloc, even as Poalei Zion accused the Bund and SERP of preventing them from joining. Explaining their stance towards the activities of the OKO, Poalei Zion passed a resolution stating that “the OKO does not represent the interests of the Jewish population of Rostov.”⁷⁰

      A most interesting discussion was to take place at a meeting of the Kadet party, which also included prominent members of the Jewish community such as Abram Chernikov, Lev Volkenshtein, and Abram Gorodisskii. Chernikov claimed that it was a mistake not to form a coalition with local Jewish parties, which were entering the elections separately.

      The local Kadet leader V. F. Zeeler replied that “the Party of People's Freedom did not consider it necessary to isolate the ‘Jewish question’ and talk of forming a coalition. The Party believes that it has always marched in solidarity with the Jews, feels their pain and suffering, and will continue to march on with them.”

      Volkenshtein claimed that he didn't understand, “Who are these Jews and what are these Jewish organizations that Chernikov is talking about? Such horrible things! Are we not full-fledged citizens? What use do we have for such distinctions? Is it not true that there are 400,000 Jewish soldiers fighting alongside their Russian comrades? What difference does it make if there are only Christians in our party list, we would vote for them any way, as we believe this party has always been with us and for us. Leibs and Ivans are now equal. Tell all of our fellow Jews that the membership of the Party of People's Freedom has always defended us and has given us freedom and equality. We believe in them, and will continue to support them.”

      Gorodisskii disagreed with Volkenshtein, and expressed surprise at the fact that the Jewish population was not supporting the Kadets, or the Jewish Kadet members. He reminded those gathered, “As long as nationalities exist, questions of nationality will also exist. But a split would be a grave error, harming both the parties and the nationalities in question.”

      As a result, an overwhelming majority of Kadets voted in favor of ordering the central committee to form a coalition with the OKO.⁷¹ In turn the OKO called upon its fellow Jewish citizens to vote for the Kadet ticket, which “includes our members of the OKO, who have taken upon themselves the responsibility of achieving the national and cultural interests of Jews as well as the beginnings of cultural autonomy.”⁷²

      Jews were widely represented in the party lists leading up to the elections. They comprised nearly one-third of the socialist bloc, 10 percent of the Bolshevik party list, 25 percent of the Kadet party list, and nearly half of the list of the People's Socialist Party of Labor.

      The socialists claimed a decided victory in the elections, winning eighty seats, as compared to sixteen for the Kadets and thirteen for all other parties. Nearly 33 percent of all voters were of Jewish heritage. The city administration was to include Vulf Pleskov, a member of the Don committee of the RSDRP in the early 1900s, along with Aleksandr Lokerman, one of the most popular politicians in Rostov, who СКАЧАТЬ