Living Letters of the Law. Jeremy Cohen

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СКАЧАТЬ et al., Scholars Press Homage Series 9 (Chico, Calif., 1984), pp. 27–41; Jonathan Z. Smith, “The Prayer of Joseph,” in Religions in Antiquity: Essays in Memory of Erwin Ramsdell Goodenough, ed. Jacob Neusner, Studies in the History of Religions (Supplements to Numen) zo (Leiden, Netherlands, 1968), pp. 265–68 with nn.; and Elliot R. Wolfson, Through a Speculum That Shines: Vision and Imagination in Medieval lewish Mysticism (Princeton, N.J., 1994), esp. chap. I.

      29. Augustine, Tractatus adversus Iudaeos 6.8, col. 56.

      30. Ibid. 1.2, 6.8, 10.15

      31. Ibid. 7.9, col. 57.

      32. For Augustine's various similes, see: “custodes librorum nostrorum,” Sermo 5.5, CCSL 41:56; “librarii nostri,” Enarrationes in Psalmos 56.9, CCSL 39:700; and “capsarii nostri,” ibid. 40.14, 38:459 See also Augustine's explanation that “servi, quando eunt in auditorium domini ipsorum, portant post illos codices et foris sedent” (Sermo 5.5, CCSL 41:56).

      33. Augustine, Sermo 373.4.4, admittedly of doubtful authorship.

      34. Augustine, Enarrationes in Psalmos 56.9, CCSL 39:700. On the mirror and mirror images in Augustinian thought, see Karl F. Morrison, “'From Form into Form': Mimesis and Personality in Augustine's Historical Thought,” Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 124 (1980), esp. p. 292.

      35. Augustine, Sermo 199.1.2, PL 38:1027.

      36. Augustine, Enarrationes in Psalmos 58.2.2, CCSL 39:746.

      37. On the chronology of Augustine's works, in both the discussion and the table that follow, see, among others, Peter Brown, Augustine of Hippo: A Biography (London, 1967); Johannes Quasten et al., Patrology (Westminster, Md., 1986), 4:355ff.; A. Kunzelmann, “Die Chronologie der Sermones des hl. Augustinus,” in Miscellanea agostiniana (Rome, 1930–31), 2:417–520; and Henri Rondet, “Essais sur la chronologie des 'Enarrationes in Psalmos' de Saint Augustin,” Bulletin de littérature ecclésiastique 61 (1960), 111–27; 65 (1964), 120–36; 68 (1967), 180–202; 71 (1970), 174–200; 77 (1976), 99–118.

      38. See Augustine, Contra Faustum, cited above, nn. 8ff., and De consensu evangelistarum 1.14.22, 1.26.40.

      39. Augustine, Enarrationes in Psalmos 58, esp. 58.1. 15–58.2.11, CCSL 39:740–753. 58.1.19 ends with the exhortation, “Quid hic respondebit infelix Pelagius,” indicating that the commentary could not date from much before 414, when Augustine became actively involved in the Pelagian controversy. See Rondet, “Essais sur la chronologie,” pp. 180–82; and Elizabeth A. Clark, The Origenist Controversy: The Cultural Construction of an Early Christian Debate (Princeton, N.J., 19gz), p. 232 and n. 307.

      40. See above, at nn. 22, 24.

      41. On the dating of this work, see the comments of M. P. J. Van den Hout, CCSL q6:lx-lxi, who finds distinctive parallels between the De fide rerum invisibilrum and De ciuitate Dei 18.

      42. See above, n. 31.

      43. See below, n. 94.

      44. Augustine, De fde rerum invisibilium 6.9, CCSL 46:16.

      45. See also Augustine, Enarrationes in Psalmos 58.1.21, CSEL 39:744; and contrast Contra Fausturn 12.12, CSEL z5:341: “non corporali morte interibit genus inpium carnalium Iudaeorum.”

      46. Augustine, Epistula 149.9, CSEL 44:356; cf. De ctvitate Dei 7.32, and Enarrationes in Psalmos 58.2.2.

      47. Augustine, Enarrationes in Psalmos 58.2.2–10, CCSL jg:746–52. See also De civitate Dei 20.29–30, and Tractatus adversus Iudaeos 5.6.

      48. Augustine, De fide rerum invisibilium 6.9, CCSL 46:16.

      49. Augustine, Tractatus adversus ludaeos 1.2, PL 4251–52; see also 6.8 (col. 56), “sive consentiant sive dissentiant,” and 10.15 (cols. 63–64), “sive gratanter, sive indignanter audiant Judaei.”

      50. Above all, see Bernhard Blumenkranz, Die Judenpredigt, and “Augustin et les Juifs, Augustin et le Judai'sme,” Recherches augustiniennes 1 (1958), 225–41; Marcel Dubois, “Jews, Judaism and Israel in the Theology of Saint Augustine: How He Links the Jewish People and the Land of Zion,” lmmanuel 22/23 (1989), 162–214; and Paula Fredriksen, “Excaecati occulta justitia Dei: Augustine on Jews and Judaism,” Journal of Early Christian Studies 3 (1995), 299–324, and “Divine Justice and Human Freedom: Augustine on Jews and Judaism, 392–398,” in FWW, pp. 29–54. I have discussed the contributions of these three scholars at greater length in Jeremy Cohen, “'Slay Them Not': Augustine and the Jews in Modern Scholarship,” Medieval Encounters 4 (1998), 78–92.

      51. See, among others, Paul Monceaux, “Les Colonies juives dans I'Afrique romaine,” REJ 44 (1902), 1–28; Jean Juster, Les lztifs duns ['Empire romain: Leur condition juridique, économique et sociale (Paris, 1914), 1: 207–9; H. Z. Hirschberg, A History of the ]ews in North Africa: From Antiquity to Our Time [Hebrew] (Jerusalem, 1965), I:51–54; a nd Marcel Simon, Verus Israel: A Study of the Relatrons between Christians andlews in the Roman Empire (135–425). trans. H. McKeating (New York, 1986) 13 pp. 331–33.

      52. See Yann le Bohec, “Inscriptions juives et judalsantes de I'Afrique romaine,” Antiquités africaines 17 (1981), 165–207, and “Juifs et judaïsants dans I'Afrique romaine: Remarques onomastiques,” ibid., pp. 209–29. And cf. Robert L. Wilken, judaism and the Early Christian Mind: A Study of Cyril of Alexandria's Exegesis and Theology (New Ilaven, Conn., 1971), and John Chrysostom and the Jews:. Rhetoric and Reality in the Late 4th Century (Berkeley, Calif., 1983); and Wayne A. Meeks and Robert L. Wilken, Jews and Christians in Antioch in the First Fotrr Centuries of the Common Era, Society for Biblical Literature, Sources for Biblical Study 13 (Missoula, Mont., 1978).

      53. Recently, see Helmut Castritius, “Seid weder den luden noch den Heiden noch der Gemeinde Gottes ein Ärgernis (I. Kor., 1032): Zur sozialen und rechtlichen Stellen der Juden im spätrömischen Nordafrika,” in Antisemitismus und jüdischen Geschichte: Studien zu Ehren won Herbert A. Strauss, ed. Rainer Erb et al. (Berlin, 1987)pp. 47–67; and le Bohec, “Inscriptions juives,” p. 203.

      54. See Blumenkranz, Die Judenpredtgt, pp. 59–74, with nn. to numerous passages in the Augustinian corpus.

      55. See the passages cited ibid., pp. 110–12.

      56. Even Augustine's frequently cited Epistula 196 to Bishop Asellicus, which contains Augustine's most extensive attack on Judaizing Christians, manifests little sense of urgency. The letter notes at the outset that it originated at the insistence of a third bishop, Donatian, that Augustine formulate such a position. And until its concluding paragraph (16, CSEL 57:229), the letter makes no mention of a specific threat to the contemporary church; only then does it refer to one Aptus (otherwise unknown to Augustine) who, Asellicus wrote, “is teaching Christians to Judaize and thus…calls himself Jew and Israelite so that he might forbid them [non-kosher] foods.” Nowhere does Augustine's letter inveigh against the Jews of his day as the root of such evil within the church. Recent scholarly investigations minimize the extent to which Jews of the imperial period engaged in missionary activity; see Shaye J. D. Cohen, “Was Judaism in Antiquity a Missionary Religion?” in jewish Assimilation, Acculturation, and Accommodation: Past Traditions, Current Issues, and Future Prospects, ed. Menachem Mor, Creighton University Studies in Jewish Civilization 2 (Lanham, Md., 1992), pp. 14–23; and Martin Goodman, Mission and Conversion: СКАЧАТЬ