Protestants: The Radicals Who Made the Modern World. Alec Ryrie
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Название: Protestants: The Radicals Who Made the Modern World

Автор: Alec Ryrie

Издательство: HarperCollins

Жанр: Историческая литература

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isbn: 9780008182137

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СКАЧАТЬ after brief flirtations with Lutheranism and a moderate strain of Anabaptism.24

      This was the period’s first truly mass witch panic. From then on, persecution of Anabaptists began to dry up, to be replaced by much larger-scale persecution of witches, in more or less the same areas. Fears of secret but real sects had metastasized into fears of invented ones. Tales of witches’ crimes become as florid as each individual prosecutor’s fantasies. Protestants and Catholics, having competed to stamp out one satanic sect, easily transferred their rivalry to the new target.

      Protestants were deeply implicated in these killings. But in this as in almost everything else, they did not speak with one voice. Most assumed that witches were servants of the devil and fully deserved death, quoting Exodus 22:18 to prove the point: “Thou shalt not suffer a witch to live.” A few, however, questioned whether it was correct to translate the Hebrew word kashaph as “witch”. Reginald Scot, an English witch sceptic who might himself have had ties to the Family of Love, reckoned it meant “poisoner”. Scot dismissed claims about old women’s magical powers as superstition, insisting that the devil himself had been defeated by Christ and could do no more than spread lies.25

      Scot was unique in his excoriating rationalism but not in his qualms about witch-hunting. The Dutch-born Lutheran physician Johann Weyer and the English preacher George Gifford did not question the devil’s power, but both argued that most of the women accused of witchcraft were innocent, either accused out of malice or imagining themselves to be witches when they were not. By the mid-seventeenth century, there was widespread unease with the mismatch between the diabolical conspirators whom advocates of witch-hunting described and the pathetic wretches who were in fact dragged before most courts. Judicial persecution of witches quietly tailed away to nothing. The age’s most notorious witch hunt, at Salem, Massachusetts, in 1692, was virtually the last of its kind. It may be significant that Massachusetts had reacted exceptionally violently to the appearance in the 1650s of the Quakers, the Anabaptists of their day: New England Quakers were frequently accused of witchcraft. Regardless, the Salem trials were remarkable chiefly for the near-universal disapproval they provoked.

      Whether they were dealing with Catholics, radicals, or witches, Protestants could kill in the name of religion with a zeal that was second to none. They could also disagree with one another vigorously about doing so and could shift their ground with remarkable speed and flexibility. That combination of implacable fervour, conscientious stubbornness, and willingness suddenly to abandon and to repent of their old views is one of Protestants’ most distinctive hallmarks.

       CHAPTER 5

       The British Maelstrom

      Every valley shall be exalted, and every mountain and hill shall be made low. . . . And the glory of the Lord shall be revealed.

      – ISAIAH 40:4–5

      In the middle of the seventeenth century, the themes of Protestantism’s early history came together in a bloody, chaotic, and exhilarating symphony. They did so in an unlikely place: the island of Great Britain, which until then had played a supporting role in Protestantism’s drama. The island’s two kingdoms, England and Scotland, had both embraced the Reformation, allowing them to overcome their perennial mutual hostility. Since 1603, both realms had been subject to the same king. During the religious wars, both countries sent volunteers, money, munitions, and – occasionally – formal armies to the Continent, and England also completed a savage conquest of Catholic Ireland. But they managed to keep their wars at arm’s length. Spain’s attempts to bring the war to Elizabeth I’s England failed, most famously in the disastrous Armada expedition of 1588. From 1560, Britain enjoyed an unprecedented era of internal peace and of religious stability. After 1560, both kingdoms were more or less Calvinist, although the English church had retained some Catholic structures and a ceremonial streak in its worship. Religious debates in both countries could be lively, but they took place within a widely shared consensus, which included an almost universal commitment to the ideal of a comprehensive, national church.

      And yet, between 1637 and 1642, first Scotland, then Ireland, and finally England rebelled against their king, setting off two decades of war, political turmoil, regicide, and wave after wave of religious revolution. When the smoke finally cleared and the blood soaked away, the monarchy and the old churches were restored in the 1660s almost as if nothing had happened. In fact, the new beliefs that took shape in this crucible would make themselves felt around the world for centuries to come.

      The collapse during 1637–42 had many causes, most of them beyond our concern. The immediate disputes over a dysfunctional system of taxation were symptoms of a deeper philosophical conflict. A century earlier, England’s political classes had been utterly cowed by Henry VIII, but by the early seventeenth century they had turned mulish. Perhaps the turmoil of the Reformation and a series of nail-biting succession crises had convinced them that politics was too important to be left to kings. Perhaps Protestantism had simply corroded the ideal of obedience. For whatever reason, a broad class of gentlemen, merchants, and lawyers were newly willing to stand on their rights and answer back to their kings. James I, England’s king from 1603 to 1625, had been raised in Scotland’s bare-knuckle politics and had learned to use his royal dignity to face down his opponents, but he understood that asserting his divine right to rule was a political ploy. His son Charles I utterly believed it and had little interest in political realism. For all the deep forces at work, the most obvious cause of the disaster was his profound inadequacy as a ruler.

      Still, penny-pinching, idealistic legalism versus overweening, extravagant royal incompetence is the ordinary stuff of politics. What made this nasty brew toxic was religion. In both England and Scotland, royal power had long been associated with religious conservatism. King James had had his fill of assertive Calvinists as king of Scots, and when he became king of England after Elizabeth I’s death, he eagerly embraced the English church’s ceremonialist strand, especially its government by well-behaved bishops. Yet he still allowed room for “Puritans”, who thought the English Reformation was unfinished and who dreamed of completing it.

      King Charles shared his father’s opinions but not his caution. He exclusively promoted ceremonialist priests and bishops, many of whom denied the core Calvinist doctrine of predestination and froze out anyone who disagreed. Leading the king’s campaign was William Laud, bishop of London from 1628 and archbishop of Canterbury from 1633. Under Laud’s eye, a counter-revolution was imposed on English parishes: Communion tables dressed and railed like Catholic altars, choral music instead of simple metrical hymns, sermons downgraded in favour of liturgy, and set forms of prayer favoured over spontaneous outpourings.

      For a great many English people, all of these things smelled of “popery”: creeping re-Catholicization. Charles’s queen, a French Catholic princess, maintained her own Catholic chapel in the heart of London, and Puritans suspected her husband was likewise smuggling “popery” into the English church. Of course Charles denied it, but he would, wouldn’t he? Laud’s campaign awakened English Protestantism’s martyr complex. Puritans were being driven from office. In one notorious case in 1637, three outspoken preachers were imprisoned and had their ears cut off for defying the king. Meanwhile, Charles steadfastly refused to intervene in the Thirty Years War to save his suffering Protestant brethren in Europe. Was he, in fact, now the puppet of Catholic plotters?

      By the late 1620s, political trust had almost completely collapsed. A series of Parliaments clashed head-on with the king, until finally in 1629 Charles dismissed Parliament and set about governing without it. Which he could, but only as long as England remained at peace and could manage without the СКАЧАТЬ