Henry: Virtuous Prince. David Starkey
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Название: Henry: Virtuous Prince

Автор: David Starkey

Издательство: HarperCollins

Жанр: Историческая литература

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isbn: 9780007287833

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СКАЧАТЬ borne the title himself before his accession, was also anxious to preserve the family ‘name’. The result was the decision to create Richard of Shrewsbury duke of York at the age of only eight months.

      The ceremony took place on 28 May 1474, the day after parliament had been prorogued for Whitsuntide, and was followed by a splendid joust. A year later, the boy was made, in quick succession, knight of the Bath and knight of the Garter. In 1478, following his child-marriage to the heiress of the Mowbrays, he was given the great and ancient office of earl marshal, which his wife’s family had held in hereditary succession. Finally, in 1479, he followed in the footsteps of his namesake and grandfather Richard, duke of York, and was made lord lieutenant of Ireland.6

      The reasons for following the single precedent of 1474 and creating Henry duke of York, rather than the many and making him duke of Clarence, can be summed up in one word: Warbeck. But perhaps there were more positive motives at work as well. For, as the success of Warbeck’s impersonation showed, loyalties to the house of York were still alive and well. Why not make a fresh attempt to incorporate them within the house of Tudor? And who better to do it than Henry? He was close to his mother, Elizabeth of York; he took after his Yorkist grandfather, Edward IV; even his principal residence, Eltham, was one of Edward IV’s favourite palaces. At least it was worth a try – after all, in the face of the threat posed by Warbeck, almost anything was.

      Warbeck is also why Henry VII decided to do more than simply slip Henry into Richard of Shrewsbury’s shoes. Richard of Shrewsbury’s accumulation of titles, offices and honours was impressive. But it had also been random and piecemeal. Henry VII would go one better: his second son would be inducted into his inheritance in a single, coherent programme of ceremony. There is evidence as well of unusually thorough preparation. Who was responsible for the detail we do not know. But there is no doubt that the inspiration came directly from the king. He kept a watchful eye throughout, and when anything threatened to go wrong, intervened swiftly and decisively himself.

      He had to. For he was not only seeking to outdo the Yorkist court, he was also competing directly with the Burgundian. In the last half-century or so, the Burgundian court had reinvented court ceremony and chivalric display as political weapons. Now, with the Burgundian support for Warbeck, these weapons had been turned against Henry VII. Time after time in the summer of 1494, as Maximilian had given Warbeck an honoured place at an entrée or an oath-taking ceremony, he had increased Warbeck’s standing in the eyes of Europe and diminished Henry Tudor’s.

      It was now time to strike back, and Henry’s creation as duke of York provided the means.

      The decision had been taken in the late summer. At that point the royal household split into two: part remained with the king at Woodstock; part joined Henry at Eltham.7 This sort of division frequently happened under Henry VII. The king could not, of course, be in more than one place at a time. But his household could be. And that was the next best thing. For the household did more than look after the king’s domestic arrangements and royal ceremony. It was also a sort of ministry of all the talents, and the department of everything else. This meant that it was fast, responsive and able to tackle the king’s principal concern of the moment – whatever and wherever it might be.

      And in the autumn of 1494, that meant Henry’s creation as duke of York.

      The household with the king at Woodstock was in overall charge. It was there, for instance, that ‘letters missives’ and ‘writs’ were directed to those who had been chosen ‘to give their attendance upon our dearest second son the Lord Henry for to take with and under him the noble order of knight of the Bath’. On 2 October the writs were forwarded in a batch to Robert Lytton, the under-treasurer of the exchequer and himself one of those nominated, together with a covering letter under the ‘signet’, the smallest and most personal of the royal seals. This instructed Lytton to ‘send [the writs] forth in the haste ye goodly may’ to the addressees. But first he was to keep a formal record of the writs ‘for our interest in case any of them do default in that behalf’.8

      The king’s ‘interest’ lay in the fines that would be due from any of those nominated who refused to take up the order of knighthood at the king’s command. At first, this sounds like a typical piece of money-grubbing by the notoriously tight-fisted Henry VII. But, most likely, his intention was to secure not the largest amount in fines, but the best possible turnout for his son. And he succeeded: twenty-two of those chosen answered the summons; the remainder ‘were pardoned or at their fines’. The number and quality of the knights attracted attention, as was also intended, and Sir John Paston’s London agent sent him a full list, headed by ‘My Lord Harry, duke of York’.9

      * * *

      There is no such documentation for the activities of the household at Eltham. But it seems clear that it had two principal tasks. The first was to turn Eltham from a staging-post for the royal nursery into the seat of a new royal dukedom. The second was to prepare Henry himself for his forthcoming creation. And there was plenty to do. After all, it was little more than a year since he had been weaned. Now he had to ride, to walk, to bow, and to stand still; to memorize and repeat a strange oath; to wear robes, coronet and sword; and, most difficult of all perhaps, to remain awake through days of interminable ceremony.

      And he had to be confident enough to do all this in public, under the relentless scrutiny of thousands of pairs of eyes. Henry’s every move would be watched by the city chroniclers, the recording heralds, the man in the street and – no one quite knew where or who or how many – Warbeck’s adherents.

      The ceremonies had been timed to coincide with the great feast of All Saints on 1 November. This was one of the four crown-wearing days at court, when royal ceremony was at its most splendid and the court at its fullest. It would be all the fuller for Henry.

      On 10 October, Henry’s father, mother and grandmother left Woodstock and began a slow and stately return to the capital. They took a week, with halts of a day or two at Notley Abbey near Thame, High Wycombe and Windsor. On the seventeenth, they reached Henry VII’s favourite residence at Sheen. Here they stayed for another ten days before leaving by boat early in the morning of the twenty-seventh, arriving at Westminster in time for dinner.

      Forty-eight hours later, on the twenty-ninth, the king sent formally to summons his second son from Eltham. Henry’s initiation into public life had begun.10

      He began by making his formal entrée into London. The day for this had also been chosen to coincide with an occasion of major pageantry in the civic calendar, since on 29 October each year the newly elected lord mayor of London went in state to Westminster to be sworn in before the barons of the exchequer. The swearing-in took place in the morning. This left the ‘mayor, the aldermen and all the crafts in their liveries’ plenty of time to return to the City and get themselves in place to welcome Henry.

      He arrived at 3 o’clock. He was accompanied by many ‘great estates’ or high-ranking noblemen, while the city in turn received him ‘with great honour [and] triumph’.

      One would expect no less, since the City then, like the City now, knew how to put on a show. But, case-hardened to spectacle though he was, the author of the Great Chronicle of London was impressed. It was not the pageantry that caught his eye, however, despite the many attendant ‘lords and gentlemen’. It was Henry.

      As the chronicler noted with surprise, Henry rode through the City ‘sitting alone upon a courser’. Henry was always to be an excellent horseman, and his royal studs played an important part in improving СКАЧАТЬ