Memoirs of the Duchesse de Dino (Afterwards Duchesse de Talleyrand et de Sagan), 1836-1840. Dorothée Dino

Чтение книги онлайн.

СКАЧАТЬ the fear of discovery doubtless prevented them from putting it into effect. They proposed to advance upon the prison where the political prisoners are confined, to set them at liberty, to seize the Prefecture of Police, and thence to march upon Neuilly. The Ministers assert that their intentions were quite serious.

      Valençay, September 9, 1836.– The newspapers are already declaring a terrible war upon the new Ministry, which will be settled before the Chambers.45 The Opposition journals predict a breach in the Cabinet, which seems a not unlikely possibility. Then perhaps we shall see M. Thiers return to the head of affairs, but with a certain opposition to confront him, after making war upon a system which he had long supported and entering into obligations with men inclining to the Left, in which case he would be likely to draw the Government into dangerous paths. I do not really know, but in general things seem to me to be growing dark. In any case it is fair to recognise that the new Ministerial combination can display to the country and abroad honourable names, distinguished talent, and recognised capacity. Let us hope, then, that it may rest upon a solid basis. Eight or ten days before the last crisis M. Molé, after a considerable silence, wrote a very sprightly letter to M. Royer-Collard and to myself.

      Valençay, September 10, 1836.– Yesterday M. de Talleyrand received a nice deferential little note from M. Molé upon his accession to the Ministry. The burden of the letter was as follows: As the new Cabinet had been formed upon a question and with ideas which M. de Talleyrand had wisely made his own, the new Ministers might congratulate themselves upon his approval, and for himself he trusted that it might be so, as he relied upon M. de Talleyrand's counsel and opinion. M. de Talleyrand immediately replied. It is not my business to praise the answer, but I think it should please M. Molé, though he will find no criticism in it of the man whose place he takes. M. de Talleyrand may regret the blindness of M. Thiers upon the Spanish question, but it is not for him to blame M. Thiers in definite terms, as he has long shown and felt goodwill for him.

      Valençay, September 11, 1836.– I shall not quote Madame de Lieven as testifying to the accuracy of the story told by M. de Montessuy,46 but I admit that I cannot understand so strange an incident. If one of our princesses or our Sovereign had so acted, a revolutionary interpretation would immediately have been put upon it at St. Petersburg, and if the Emperor Nicholas admits Horace Vernet, and especially M. de Löwe-Weimar, to his favour, his intimacy, and his confidence, I do not see why the King should be reproached for dining at the Tuileries with his National Guards. The truth is, Louis-Philippe cannot use the knout or Siberia, which are two stern precautions against familiarity, though it is fortunate for each of us that these weapons are not in his hands; in Russia, neither age nor sex nor rank nor merit is any protection.

      I have a letter from M. Guizot couched in most sprightly terms, telling me of his entrance to the Council. The friendship of the King for M. de Talleyrand and the confidence with which he honours him forbid any Minister to be on bad terms with him; our intentions are identical, so that between ourselves and these gentlemen all should go well.

      I have a long letter from the Comte Alexis de Saint-Priest from Lisbon. He writes from time to time, though I only send short dry notes by way of answer; but he seems determined to regard them as proofs of friendship. It is merely a case of calculating self-interest. He knows that the Duc d'Orléans shows me some kindness, and he believes himself called upon to play a part when this Prince comes to the throne, and therefore desires in any case to be one of my friends; any one reading the opening sentences of his letter would think that I was a great deal to him and he to me. I am somewhat vexed in consequence.

      Valençay, September 13, 1836.– How is it that people are so often found ready to report ill-tempered speeches to the persons affected by them? It is a strange and too common frame of mind. To myself it is so hateful that while I believe myself incapable of it, I always receive very coldly those who bring me confidential remarks of this nature. I think that the first condition upon which one can live in peace is to speak evil of things only when they are bad and as little as possible of people, and the second condition is to disregard evil spoken about ourselves unless it be spoken to warn one of some trap or actual danger, but it is very rarely that such information is actuated by this good and laudable intention. These moral reflections are evoked by the slanders which Lord Rosse is said to have uttered about Madame de Lieven and the information brought to her concerning them. In any case I see that social habit, knowledge of the world, the necessities of conversation, and, in short, the thousand and one considerations which make hypocrisy a virtue, or at any rate a social quality, allow these two people to meet on good terms, and if that be so, my theories are of little or no importance.

      Valençay, September 16, 1836.– The following is an extract from a letter received by M. de Talleyrand yesterday; it was not sent by Madame Adélaïde, but the writer is generally very well informed. "M. Molé is ill. He has not yet been able to pay any calls, nor to receive any ambassador, nor has any council yet been held by the King. It is said that his health will not allow him to remain long in office, and that he will never establish himself there with any certainty. If he should resign, it is thought that the Ministry would not be entirely dislocated, and that Montalivet would probably take his place. There is also a rumour that the Ministry is ready to confront the Chambers fearlessly, and expects to secure a majority, that it is ready to be contented with a small majority in the hope of seeing it grow, and that it does not intend to make every point a Cabinet question. Marshal Soult is not to be Minister of War. He was anxious to be President of the Council, but this was refused, and the post will probably be given to Molitor, Sébastiani, or Bernard. The Ministry is entirely dominated by the King's policy upon the Spanish question. The body which was gathering on the Pyrenees frontier will be disbanded and the Foreign Legion abandoned. In any case that legion is at the service of Spain, and we have no right to use it for our own purposes. Strictest adherence will be maintained to the limits laid down by the treaty of the Quadruple Alliance. At the same time an ambassador at Madrid will be appointed, though the death of Rayneval might have enabled us to dispense with this; but the appointment will be made from respect to England. A rumour has gone abroad, but it is a great secret, and the appointment is not yet settled, that this ambassador will be the Duc de Coigny. The King is a little doubtful of the attitude which Thiers will adopt. He is also much displeased with him, and has expressed his displeasure several times. At one time Thiers took some steps to return to the Ministry, and the matter was discussed. He then submitted himself wholly to the King's opinion and will upon the Spanish question, but the style of the King's expression showed that he was very far from reposing confidence in Thiers, and that he would only take him back perforce and in a difficult and unavoidable position. The true cause of Thiers' resignation is not so much difference of opinion between the King and himself as the deceitful course by which he wished to draw the King into intervention against his will. Since he has gone several facts have been discovered of which no one had any suspicion. Thiers went away announcing that he would only return for the following session if he saw his policy attacked. He is said to be really very despondent about his fall, and has the more reason for despondency as he is sole author of it. The mode of his resignation has greatly diminished the reputation which he first achieved, and the public opinion is not in his favour."

      Valençay, September 21, 1836.– Yesterday we heard that the Constitution of 1820 had been proclaimed at Lisbon. It is asserted that this event was prepared at London, and the fact remains that Admiral Gage, who was in harbour with three ships of the line, remained a passive spectator. The queens of the South are not destined to enjoy unbroken slumber, for at Lisbon, as at Madrid, the Queen was forced to sign the new Constitution at two o'clock in the morning. The army took the side of the people and of the National Guard. The poor little Prince of Coburg has made a sad marriage indeed. If he remains in private life with so heavy a burden as Doña Maria he will collapse. It is impossible to avoid some feeling of dismay at these military reactions, and we are deeply anxious to see our Cabinet completed by a real Minister of War. General Bernard was the last chance, and would be the best choice, as Marshal Soult persistently refuses.

      Valençay, September СКАЧАТЬ