Journal of Soviet and Post-Soviet Politics and Society. Группа авторов

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СКАЧАТЬ Yuliya Yurchuk, “Rivne’s Memory of Taras Bul’ba-Borovets’: A Regional Perspective on the Formation of the Founding Myth of the UPA,” and Łukasz Adamski, “Kyiv’s ‘Volhynian Negationism’: Reflections on the 2016 Polish–Ukrainian Memory Conflict,” Journal of Soviet and Post-Soviet Politics and Society 3, no. 2 (2017): 129–290; Ivan Gomza, “Catalytic Mobilization of Radical Ukrainian Nationalists in the Second Polish Republic: The Impact of Political Opportunity Structure,” Igor Barinov, “Allies or Collaborators? The Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and Nazi Germany during the Occupation of Ukraine in 1941–43,” Myroslav Shkandrij, “Volodymyr Viatrovych’s Second Polish–Ukrainian War,” and John-Paul Himka, “Correspondence,” Journal of Soviet and Post-Soviet Politics and Society 4, no. 2 (2018): 35–132.

3 Kai Struve, “The OUN(b), the Germans, and Anti-Jewish Violence in Eastern Galicia during Summer 1941,” Yuri Radchenko, “The Biography of the OUN(m) Activist Oleksa Babii in the Light of His ‘Memoirs on Escaping Execution’ (1942),” Tomislav Dulić and Goran Miljan, “The Ustašas and Fascism: ‘Abolitionism,’ Revolution, and Ideology (1929–42),” Journal of Soviet and Post-Soviet Politics and Society 6, no. 1 (2020): 205–306.

4 Journal of Soviet and Post-Soviet Politics and Society 7, nos. 1 & 2 (2021).

5 Oleksandr Zaitsev, “Fascism or Ustashism? Ukrainian Integral Nationalism of the 1920s–1930s in Comparative Perspective,” Communist and Post-Communist Studies 48, nos. 2–3 (2015): 183–93. See also, more recently: idem, “Integral Nationalism in the Absence of a Nation-State: The Case of Ukraine,” in Marco Bresciani (ed.), Conservatives and Right Radicals in Interwar Europe (Routledge, 202o), 118–42.

6 Dulić and Miljan, “The Ustašas and Fascism.”

7 Andreas Umland and Yuliya Yurchuk, “The Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) in Post-Soviet Ukrainian Memory Politics, Public Debates, and Foreign Affairs,” Journal of Soviet and Post-Soviet Politics and Society 3, no. 2 (2017): 115–28, spps-jspps.autorenbetreuung.de/files/umland_yurchuk_3_2.pdf (accessed 16 April 2018); idem, “Essays in the Historical Interpretation of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalist,” Journal of Soviet and Post-Soviet Politics and Society 4, no. 2 (2018): 29–34, spps-jspps.autorenbetreuung.de/files/yurchuk_umland_jspps_4.2_2.pdf (accessed 26 January 2020); and idem, “The Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and European Fascism During World War II,” Journal of Soviet and Post-Soviet Politics and Society 6, no. 1 (2020): 181–204, spps-jspps.autorenbetreuung.de/files/06-01-jspps-intro_02.pdf (accessed 26 January 2020).

8 Ibid. On V’iatrovych, see in JSPPS: Shkandrij, “Volodymyr Viatrovych’s Second Polish–Ukrainian War.” For a Polish reaction to a provocative Facebook post by V’iatrovych, see, for example: Krzysztof Janiga, “Duda obok zbrodniarza z UPA na fotomontażu szefa ukraińskiego IPN,” Kresy.pl, 3 July 2017, kresy.pl/wydarzenia/spoleczenstwo/duda-obok-zbrodniarza-upa-fotomontazu-szefa-ukrainskiego-ipn/. See also: Christopher Gilley and Per Anders Rudling, “The History Wars in Ukraine Are Heating Up,” History New Network, 9 May 2015, http://historynewsnetwork.org/article/159301 (accessed 10 February 2020); Andreas Umland, “Sylvester Stallone as a Boxer,” Historians.in.ua, 24 May 2015, http://www.historians.in.ua/index.php/en/avtorska-kolonka/1520-andreas-umland-sylvester-stallone-as-a-boxer-a-comment-on-the-infamous-ukrainian-decommunization-laws-and-professional-expertise-in-ukrainian-public-affairs%20 (accessed 10 February 2020); Jared McBride, “How Ukraine’s New Memory Commissar Is Controlling the Nation’s Past,” The Nation, 13 August 2015, www.thenation.com/article/archive/how-ukraines-new-memory-commissar-is-controlling-the-nations-past/ (accessed 10 February 2020); Josh Cohen, “The Historian Whitewashing Ukraine’s Past,” Foreign Policy, 2 May 2016, foreignpolicy.com/2016/05/02/the-historian-whitewashing-ukraines-past-volodymyr-viatrovych/ (accessed 10 February 2020); Tarik Cyril Amar, “The Radical Historian Rewriting Ukraine’s Past,” WYNC Studios, 20 May 2016, www.wnycstudios.org/podcasts/otm/segments/radical-historian-rewriting-ukraines-past (accessed 10 February 2020); Per Rudling, Jared McBride, and Tarik Amar, “Ukraine’s Struggle with the Past Is Ours Too,” Open Democracy, 15 June 2016, www.opendemocracy.net/en/odr/ukraine-s-struggle-with-past-is-ours-too/ (accessed 10 February 2020); Andreas Umland, “Bad History Doesn’t Make Friends,” Foreign Policy, 25 October 2016, http://foreignpolicy.com/2016/10/25/bad-history-doesnt-make-friends-kiev-ukraine-stepan-bandera/ (accessed 10 February 2020); “Historians Sign Petition Objecting to the Inclusion of a Nationalist Who Praised a Nazi Collaborator,” History News Network, 8 March 2017, historynewsnetwork.org/article/165383 (accessed 17 February 2021); and David R. Marples, “Memory Laws: Censorship in Ukraine,” E-International Relations, 5 July 2020, www.e-ir.info/2020/07/05/memory-laws-censorship-in-ukraine/ (accessed 17 February 2021).

9 Vladyslav Hrynevych and Paul-Robert Magosci (eds.), Babyn Iar: Istoriia i pamiat’ (Dukh i Litera, 2016).

10 “Memorial’nyi tsentr Babiy Iar izmenil nabliudatel’nyi sovet i komandu proekta,” Levyi Bereg, 5 December 2019, https://lb.ua/culture/2019/12/05/443987_memorialniy_tsentr_babiy_yar.html (accessed 17 February 2021).

11 Ivan Kozlenko, “Totalitarnyi dovhobud, Ch. 1,” Levyi Bereg, 14 April 2020, https://lb.ua/culture/2020/04/14/455215_totalitarniy_dovgobud_shcho_z.html (accessed 24 June 2020). This article was followed by further op-eds.

12 See, for instance: Karel Berkhoff, Harvest of Despair: Life and Death in Ukraine under Nazi Rule (Belknap Press, 2008).

13 Karel Berkhoff, “Z etychnykh mirkuvan’ bil’she ne mozhu publichno pidtrumuvaty proekt Memorialu ‘Babyn Iar’”, Glavkom, 22 April 2020, https://glavcom.ua/columns/KarelBerkhoff/gollandskiy-istorik-karel-berkgof-z-etichnih-mirkuvan-bilshe-ne-mozhu-publichno-pidtrimuvati-proekt-memorialu-babin-yar-675364.html (accessed 17 February 2021).

14 The first open letter criticized the BYHMC project and its proposed methods of memorialization: “Khrzhanovs’kyi ne povynen pratsiuvaty v Babynomu Iaru: Zaiava,” Istorychna pravda, 30 April 2020, https://www.istpravda.com.ua/short/2020/04/30/157419/ (accessed 7 May 2020). The second letter was addressed to the President and Prime Minister of Ukraine demanding a transfer of authority over the memorialization of Babyn Yar to official state organs: “The Ukrainian Cultural and Academic Community’s Appeal about the Commemoration of Babyn Yar,” Krytyka, 22 May 2020, https://krytyka.com/en/articles/ukrainian-cultural-and-academic-communitys-appeal-about-commemoration-babyn-yar (accessed 20 June 2020).

15 More on the concept of dignity in relation to the Euromaidan, in: Mychailo Wynnyckij, Ukraine’s Maidan, Russia’s War: A Chronicle and Analysis of the Revolution of Dignity (ibidem-Verlag, 2019).

16 “Holava Instytutu Natspamiati Drobovych,” Hromadske, 8 May 2020, https://hromadske.ua/posts/glava-institutu-nacpamyati-drobovich-pid-shorsom-yak-variant-zrobiti-naduvnih-pokemoniv-abo-skulpturu-yaka-jogo-obnimaye СКАЧАТЬ