Complete Works. Hamilton Alexander

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СКАЧАТЬ case had admitted or it -- The omission is a satisfactory indication that the means of doing it were not possessed; and that the melancholy catastrophe of Louis XVI was the result rather of a supposed political expediency than of real criminality."

      In a case so circumstanced, does it consist even with our justice or humanity to participate in the angry and vindictive passions, which are endeavored to be excited against him?

      Hamilton then goes on to question the propriety of extending the "refined and beneficient sentiment of gratitude" to the successors of the murdered king, and says:

      Shall we not be more sure of violating no obligation of that sort, of not implicating the delicacy of our national character, by taking no part in the contest, than by throwing our weight into either scale?

      But the cause of France is the cause of Liberty. 'Tis our own cause; and it is our first duty to countenance and promote it -- Whatever foundation there may be for this suggestion, it is entirely foreign to the question of gratitude -- It turns upon a principle wholly distinct. Gratitude has reference only to kind offices received. The obligation to and the cause of liberty has reference to the abstract intrinsic merits of that cause -- It is possible that the benefactor may be on one side -- the defenders and supporters of liberty on the other. Gratitude may point that way . . . the lover of liberty this. . . . There is a necessary distinction to be made.

      How far the last mentioned consideration ought to operate with us will be hereafter examined.

      As usual, any attempt upon his part to even tolerate things British was misunderstood, and he was forever accused of acting against the national interests, and being an Anglophile. In this connection it is curious to find that he was not only unjustly judged at home, but the same fairness which impelled him to fight the Trespass Act many years before, protecting the rights of the Tories themselves, led to the assumption by the representative of England that he was really in improper sympathy with Great Britain, because he appeared in court in Tory cases.

      Mr. Barclay, the English Consul in New York, said after Hamilton's death, in a letter to a Mr. Merry: "July 13, 1804. By the public papers you will be informed of the unfortunate death of General Hamilton, one of the most reputable characters of this State, and a gentleman of eminent talents. I consider him even as a loss to His Majesty and our Government from the prudence of his measures, his conciliatory disposition, his abhorence of the French Revolution and all republican principles and doctrines, and his great attachment to the British Government."

      After much delay and obstruction John Jay, who was then the Chief Justice, was sent to England with a treaty. Lord Grenville had already paved the way by a conciliatory speech, and at length there seemed to be some hope that advantageous commercial relations might be attained. Hamilton, who had first been named as an envoy, appreciating the opposition of those at home, and believing he could do more good in his own country by meeting the intrigues and hostile schemes of Randolph and Monroe, and at least keeping and exercising control of the Treasury, remained at his post. In spite of the attacks of Burr and the other anti-Federalists, Jay's nomination in the Senate was confirmed, and he ultimately embarked. His mission was beset with difficulties, for offensive and irritating measures directed against Great Britain were proposed, and it is said that the very ship that conveyed the American representative carried insulting papers which were not calculated to help the treaty or to insure Jay a warm welcome.

      Congress had extended the embargo on English vessels, and did all it could to thwart the negotiations by all manner of petty proceedings. Another faction of the Democratic party sent tactless, congratulatory messages to the disorderly French revolutionists, and fomented the lawless feeling at home, which not only led to the persecution of those favoring the treaty, but to actual personal assaults. The so-called Jacobin clubs burned Jay in effigy and paraded the streets, and even brutally stoned and assaulted Hamilton when he attempted to speak in public.

      A French vessel loaded with gunpowder was permitted to pass the embargo, but was captured by the British vessels of war, and this also aroused new agitation. When Jay arrived in England, he was directed to demand compensation for losses through unlawful depredations; to insist that no armed force should be maintained by either party on the Great Lakes; that more liberal opportunities should be given to trade with the Indians living in the territories of either country; in fact, that they should not be encouraged to fight or be supplied with munitions of war or unusual stores.

      Besides these, compensation should be given for negroes carried away by the British, and various minor commercial and territorial concessions were demanded, some of which had relation to the surrender of posts. In its turn the United States agreed to indemnify the mother country for losses arising from legal obstructions interposed to the recovery of the ante-Revolutionary debts not exceeding in the whole a certain sum to be named.1 Upon Jay's arrival on June 15, 1794, he at first met with opposition, but the treaty, with slight modifications, was agreed to, and signed by Jay and Lord Grenville, on November 19, 1794, though not received in Philadelphia until almost six months later. The enmity and bad feeling still existed, together with much disorder, but the treaty was finally ratified by only four votes in 1796. Washington's attempt to enforce it met with fresh lawlessness. A timid Congress was disposed to thwart its operations. It was then that Hamilton and his father-in-law were strongly alarmed -- for, under the circumstances, Great Britain had shown an extraordinary amount of forbearance. It was, therefore, thought best to stir the citizens of their own State as well as others to a sense of danger and the possible consequences of bad faith. General Schuyler at once circulated a broadside, of which a facsimile is given herewith, and in a letter to Hamilton told of his efforts to accomplish something.

      He also wrote to Hamilton, April 25, 1796:

       Philip Schuyler to Alexander Hamilton

      DEAR SIR: Unadvised of the measures pursuing at New York, relative to the treaty with Britain, It was not deemed prudent to convene the citizens here on the subject, until we received information from your city. On Saturday morning the mail arrived, and the Herald announced what had been done. About forty citizens were immediately convened, and unanimously agreed to petition in the words of the New York petition, with no other variation than what was requisite to accommodate It to the people in this quarter. 500 copies were immediately printed, proper persons appointed to invite the signature of the Citizens individually. Before sunset this was compleated, all having subscribed Except about -- who declined. Many decided Antifederalists concurred and signed.

      A circular letter was prepared, directed to the Supervizors, assessors and town Clerks, of the several towns in this and the counties to the Eastward, Northward and Westward of this. Several of these, with copies of the petition, are already dispatched, and the residue will be sent today. -- We believe the subscribers will be numerous.

      The petition from this city will be sent to Philadelphia by this day's mail. --

      We are anxious to hear the result of the Application to the citizens of New York, and If favorable, will It be communicated in a formal manner, by the New York committee. --

      The inclosed is copy of the letter, which accompanies the copy of the petition to the several towns.

      Pray drop me a line, advising me of the latest intelligence from Philadelphia, on this important subject.

      Adieu. My love to all

      Yours most affectionately

       PH. SCHUYLER.

      Alexander Hamilton, Esq.

      This action seems to have been amply justified, for the strain was indeed great, and upon previous occasions acute trouble had been imminent, because of the presence of foreign men-of-war in New York harbor. The Daily Advertiser, two years previously, СКАЧАТЬ