A Fashionable Century. Rachel Silberstein
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Название: A Fashionable Century

Автор: Rachel Silberstein

Издательство: Ingram

Жанр: Историческая литература

Серия:

isbn: 9780295747194

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      FIGURE 1.1. A sparse illustration from the 1848 novel Dreams of Wind and Moon, showing the courtesan Fragrance and her client Lu Shu. Reprinted from Hanshang Mengren, Xiuxiang feng yue meng (1848; Juchengtang, 1886).

      Contrary to the assumption that Qing channels of fashion were visually dominated, oral culture provided a fascinating mode for fashion transmission: urban vernacular genres like “bamboo ballads” (zhuzhici) and bannerman tales (zidishu) form a rich vein for reconstructing the details of fashionable dress. The bamboo ballad, a folk-style poetic form composed of verses made up of four seven-character lines, gained increasing popularity during the nineteenth century because of its vernacular format and colloquial language. The genre’s preoccupation with city life offers an opportunity to explicitly engage in the question of locality in fashion systems. Like bamboo ballads, the Manchu bannerman tales were materially attuned and hugely popular in the mid-late Qing period. Both provide a critical source in countering the bias toward educated male elites in the historical record, which has so obscured female and vernacular communities.18

      Visual and textual analysis of these understudied sources enables investigation of the changes that occurred during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Detailed examination of mid-late Qing fashions not only negates claims such as Lipovetsky’s, who so blithely claimed that Chinese women’s dress hardly changed between the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries, but also furthers our understanding of how those changes occurred.19 We begin with a painting of a Manchu family’s birthday celebration in late Qing Beijing.

      Ethnicity and Fashion: Regulating Manchu and Han Women’s Dress

      “Family auspicious pictures” (jia qing tu) were a specialty of urban workshops. Figure 1.2 exemplifies the genre’s professional gong bi style—highly finished, densely colored, loving of and faithful to detail (the calligraphy from the famous preface to poems from the Orchid Pavilion Gathering [Lanting Xu] hanging on the wall behind the main male characters, the wheel-along elephant pulled by the center child). While this style earns it little legitimacy in the Chinese art historical canon, dominated by a literati art defined precisely against these qualities of detail, color, and mimesis, it is a fascinating image and richly informative for the historian of nineteenth-century dress.20

      It is also a curious work. On the one hand, it is defined by structure and harmony, both within the family and between the natural and social world at large. Its vast size—nearly two meters in height and four in width—the smooth use of perspectival receding space, first introduced by Jesuit art interactions with court painting, and the viewer’s lofty vantage-point enables the artist to panoramically capture much of the family’s luxurious residence.21 The dull weather and fur-lined hats and robes suggest a winter’s day; the carefully arranged plants and the many floral reproductions in embroidered and woven silks, carved wood, and painted paper all convey harmony with seasonal nature. Four generations have gathered to celebrate the birthday of the family matriarch, a widow. Her three grandsons bring nine ruyi, a symbol of wish-blessings, to mark the occasion. In so doing, as with the prominent dragon-adorned carpet, this wealthy Manchu officials’ family was following court fashions, highlighting the relationship between imperial and urban consumption.22 The focal matriarch is accompanied by a daughter-in-law by her side; her two sons sit at the table to the left, wearing formal dress (li fu) of rank badge surcoats (bu fu) and winter hats (ji fu guan).23 Three younger men, presumably their sons, stand to their right, wearing the rank badges of middling-level civil officials.24 Three younger women, their wives, stand to their right. Six young children punctuate the piece, each attended by a maid, whose dress and stance mark her as inferior. Rather than size (a conventional visual strategy in Chinese painting to convey social status), here it is facial exposure: whereas the family members, both adults and children, are shown in full-frontal poses, the maids are all shown immersed in caring for their charges, with their faces turned away to varying degrees.

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      FIGURE 1.2. An anonymous family portrait of four generations of a Manchu family in late Qing Beijing, ca. 1853. Ink and mineral pigments on paper, 185.5 x 384 cm. Mactaggart Art Collection (2007.23.1), University of Alberta Museums. Gift of Sandy and Cécile Mactaggart.

      Despite the careful structuring, the piece is also concerned with leisure and intimacy. Even while the composition communicates a balanced figural order, it seeks to flout it: the maid peeking out oddly at the side, the children bringing a “hundred sons at play” (bai zi tu) sense of controlled chaos. But the figure who most obviously breaks down that balanced structure is the single Han woman, on the far right, wearing a jacket and skirt, rather than full-length robe. This ethnic sartorial contrast is only manifest to us because, unlike the men, none of the women are wearing official dress, but instead wear an unregulated form of dress (bian fu).25 That is to say, it is the women’s fashionable dress that enables the artist to express ethnic difference.

      When the Manchus defeated the Han Chinese Ming dynasty and established the Qing dynasty, they initiated what would be nearly three hundred years of interaction between Manchu and Han dress, articulated through imperial regulations but implemented and interpreted in both official and domestic settings. The primary signifier separating Manchu and Han women was that the former wore long robes, while the latter wore divided outfits of upper jackets and lower skirts. The Manchu writer Zhenjun (1857–1920) explained: “In Manchu custom, women’s jackets are joined to the skirt, and do not separate the upper and lower; this is the ancient system.”26 Differential components of this long robe also evolved, such as the matixiu horseshoe cuffs on the pao robe (worn beneath the gua gown), which apparently referenced Manchu nomadic culture. Matixiu featured in three of the four dress categories worn by Manchu court women: ceremonial or formal court dress (li fu), auspicious court dress (ji fu), and informal court dress (chang fu). Only the last category, leisure clothing (bian fu), did not feature this silhouette, and only it was unregulated by the Qing court, worn as it was for everyday and leisure activities.27 Accordingly, it evolved more quickly and in closer dialogue with Han fashions. But this evolution took place in the face of numerous attempts to define and dictate what both Han and Manchu women should wear.

      The sartorial revolution ushered in by the 1644 Manchu dynastic ascent took hold slowly for women: Ming styles remained dominant for some time. The styles described by late Ming–early Qing novels such as The Plum in the Golden Vase and Marriage Destinies to Awaken the World (Xingshi yinyuan chuan)—loose, center-fastening jackets (duijin shan, dui chenshan) worn with narrow skirts (qunzi); long sleeveless jackets (bijia), or the beizi (long, buttonless, center-opening jackets with side slits)— can still be found in mid-Qing depictions.28 Although the painting in figure 1.3 dates to the mid-Qing, the artist has chosen to clothe the enticingly languid courtesans in late-Ming styles, reflecting its enduring prestige: the women wear shan and beizi jackets with long flowing lines, paired with slim skirts, two button-fastened collars, and narrow damask or brocade trimming leading down from the collar. The artist has highlighted their textile designs of woven roundels and floral scrolls as the primary fashion focus.

      These were the styles confronted by the Manchu emperors when they ascended to the throne and faced, like all rulers, the decision as to what kind of clothing system they wanted. In China, clothing has always been a metaphor for the civilized world. Chinese civilization is traced back to the moment when the legendary founding emperors—Yao, Shun, and Yu—“allowed the upper and lower garments to hang down and the world was in order” (chui yishang gai quzhu qian kun er tian xia zhi).29 From this point on, the establishment of dynastic rule was bound up in the СКАЧАТЬ