Postcards from Auschwitz. Daniel P. Reynolds
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Название: Postcards from Auschwitz

Автор: Daniel P. Reynolds

Издательство: Ingram

Жанр: Историческая литература

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isbn: 9781479839933

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СКАЧАТЬ injections into the heart. The museum has converted these buildings into a series of themed exhibition spaces: One block explains the evolution of the camp from a deserted Polish army base into the Nazis’ largest center for extermination. Another depicts the living conditions of prisoners in the camp. A third focuses on forensic evidence of genocide, including physical traces of victims (ranging from piles of eyeglasses and prosthetics to the hair shaved from women’s heads). Tourists are exhorted not to use flashes in these interior spaces. There are five blocks that house the permanent exhibition, all told.113 The amount of information conveyed to the tourist is vast, with the guide’s narrative accompanied by explanatory signs and contemporary documents, photographs, maps, and artifacts on display. Among these are maps that show the evolution of particular spaces, including photos that reveal the condition of the camp upon liberation, so tourists can observe what has been rebuilt. Crematorium I, with its reconstructed gas chamber and furnaces, is typically the last stop at the Stammlager.

      After the tour of the Auschwitz I Stammlager, which typically lasts about ninety minutes, the group travels to Auschwitz II (Birkenau), located about two kilometers to the northwest. The contrast between the two sites is stunning. While the tour begins in the fairly compact area of Auschwitz I, often under crowded conditions, it recommences at the vast expanse of Birkenau. Many visitors express shock at Birkenau’s enormity, which encompasses an area of approximately 350 acres, dwarfing the 50 acres of Auschwitz I. Fences and guard towers extend out to the northern and western horizons. The guide usually takes the group from the so-called Gate of Death, which sits on the eastern boundary of the camp, along the rail spur that bisects Birkenau. To the south of the track, one sees the smaller but relatively intact Frauenlager (women’s camp) and, to the north, mostly ruins of the wooden barracks that were dismantled after the war for building materials. A row of wooden barracks has been reconstructed near the Gate of Death, showing visitors the three-tiered bunks on which prisoners were forced to sleep as many as twelve to a platform only three meters wide. The group walks along the rail spur to the so-called Judenrampe, built for the arrival of the Hungarian Jews in 1944, where the guide explains the selection process. Finally, the guide brings the group to the ruins of the gas chambers at Crematorium II and Crematorium III, adjacent to a memorial erected in 1967.

      Figure 1.3. Part of the men’s camp in Birkenau, with the chimneys marking the spot of former barracks, August 2007. An intact barracks stands beyond the barbed wire fence to the left of the frame. Photo by the author.

      At the end of three and a half hours, the group has experienced the space of the camp and heard many stories about the prisoners and their killers. Their mobility through the space where these accounts are set allows tourists to establish a historically informed relationship to a very real and present place. Given the dual awareness of spatial proximity and unbridgeable temporal distance that tour groups encounter, in what sense have they borne witness to the Holocaust? Surely the forensic sense of listening to the testimony, however mediated through the museum, applies to tourism at Auschwitz, which seeks to convert the experience of touring the space into historical knowledge. The degree of success of this kind of witnessing depends on the authenticity of the memorial space.114 That requires that the museum acknowledge any changes to the place, thereby allowing visitors to appreciate what has been altered, restored, or neglected. The tourist encounters not only the evidence of the Final Solution but also the absence of evidence—its loss through destruction or attrition, or its replacement through (openly acknowledged) reconstructions, or its not having yet been retrieved. Tourism presents its participants with speech and silence, with presence and absence, and calls upon the tourist to bridge that gap. Tourism presents the visitor with the challenge of understanding the relationship between trauma and its representation, between experienced event and spoken testimony. Rather than be satisfied with the idea that the Holocaust is beyond comprehension, Holocaust tourism—indeed, the Holocaust itself—demands room to acknowledge that there is a referent, an event that discourse points back to even if it cannot perfectly portray it. The point here is not to overcome silence and absence; rather, it is to point out the ways in which they are the very objects of witnessing the Holocaust.

      If we insist on bearing witness to testimony as parallel with an analyst’s listening to a traumatized survivor in the context of therapy, then the contribution of tourism has to be qualified. While psychoanalytic theory may help elucidate survivor testimony, tourists do not engage in great depth with individual experiences. Instead, tourism at Auschwitz is a collective enterprise, presenting multitudes of victims and experienced with crowds of other tourists. The time will come when there are no living survivors, so it is only collectively and transgenerationally that we can still speak of tourism as listening to traumatic memory. In the context of a collective trauma (a term I use with caution so as not to equate individual experience with collective memory), tourism plays a salutary role inasmuch as the very presence of visitors affirms the reality of the past and thus resists the damaging voices of Holocaust denial. Tourism may function as a kind of collective therapy that answers a sense of collective trauma, an inheritance from the past that demands reckoning.

      Over the history of Auschwitz as a tourist destination, the camp has come to represent the Holocaust on an international scale, reflecting the diverse ethnic and national origins of the victims and perpetrators. The stories of the Holocaust have dispersed along with the survivors around the globe, and tourism at Auschwitz involves speakers and listeners from many parts of the world. Tourists themselves travel to Auschwitz with their own stories about the genocide and its impact on their family or community, sharing this knowledge with other travelers and tour guides, who in turn become the mediums through which these stories are passed on further. As both primary and secondary witnesses, tourists encounter not only the direct evidence of the past but also its preservation and presentation in the present. They see the spatial remains of the Holocaust at the same time that they see its memorialization. Furthermore, they encounter one another. Tourism bears witness in a general sense to the memory of the Holocaust and, more specifically, to itself and its participants as stewards of that memory. While not all visitors may embody this realization, the tour to Auschwitz imposes an ethical imperative on visitors to remember, to acknowledge the crimes of the past and also the obligations that the past hands down to the future. The mirror that tourism holds up to visitors in the form of other visitors is a reminder of that commitment.

      At the end of the tour, when visitors share their photos and impressions with friends or colleagues, tourism recirculates testimony about the crimes of the Final Solution heard on site. Tourists convey their travel experiences in words and in images, posting on travel sites or social media, writing in journals, or sharing photos and postcards. It is that ability to witness Holocaust remembrance through images that I wish to explore further in the next chapter.

      2

      Picturing the Camps

      As photographs give people an imaginary possession of a past that is unreal, they also help people to take possession of space in which they are insecure. Thus, photography develops in tandem with one of the most characteristic of modern activities: tourism.… It seems positively unnatural to travel for pleasure without taking a camera along.

      —Susan Sontag, On Photography (1973)1

      Tourists can be conspicuous for many reasons, but nothing marks them more plainly than their cameras. The stereotypical tourist is a lens-wielding traveler on a mission to record anything that appears exotic, historical, or typical of the locale. Most of us who travel with a camera have probably found ourselves fulfilling this cliché, more or less self-consciously, taking pictures of buildings or monuments that have already been photographed a thousand times by other photographers, often with far greater skill than we possess. As the writer Susan Sontag observes, photography and tourism are so mutually enabling that they are hard to imagine without each other.

      Picture taking plays a ritualistic role in tourism, so much so that the choice not to photograph something СКАЧАТЬ