Название: Combatting Modern Slavery
Автор: Genevieve LeBaron
Издательство: John Wiley & Sons Limited
Жанр: Экономика
isbn: 9781509513703
isbn:
There are typically no penalties for noncompliance and no enforcement provisions. As such, compliance rates are low. For instance, a civil society coalition estimates that between 12,000 and 17,000 companies are within the scope of the UK Modern Slavery Act, but only around 3,000 companies had published statements on the Modern Slavery Registry website by the end of 2017. Large numbers of these are of low quality and do not comply with the requirements of the Act.56 As one NGO representative explained, ‘If you look at the number of reports that have been published, there are obviously a lot of businesses that aren’t doing anything … That compliance gap is quite worrying.’57 With few exceptions, recent legislation to combat modern slavery has reinforced the dominance of industry-driven solutions to labour abuse in supply chains, rather than fundamentally transformed, displaced or improved it.
Some NGOs, governments and lawyers are pushing back against these trends, reminding policymakers and the public that companies often overpromise and underdeliver when it comes to social and labour standards and causes. But overall, as this brief snapshot illustrates, the trend is towards an increased reliance on corporations and CSR governance to eradicate forced labour and curb exploitation. The sheer flurry of activity alone has helped to deepen the legitimacy and authority of corporations as ‘problem-solvers’ for labour exploitation in supply chains – as has the acceptability conferred on corporate efforts by governments, international organizations and NGOs.
This Book’s Arguments and Structure
In this book, I argue that efforts to combat modern slavery through CSR are failing. After all, what do the vast array of labour governance initiatives described above have in common? The initiatives are almost entirely driven by industry actors. They are all voluntary and are not legally binding or enforceable, and there is little public oversight or accountability over these private efforts. CSR is failing because prevailing labour governance initiatives do little to nothing to disrupt corporate business models, leaving fully intact poverty wages, the low prices that companies pay suppliers, the short contract windows and unpredictable orders imposed on businesses lower down the chain by businesses higher up, and other drivers of labour exploitation. And they mostly fail to empower workers, or even to involve them in basic ways; only very rarely do industry-led labour governance solutions involve or meaningfully integrate workers in shaping, negotiating and operating initiatives.
Corporations have positioned themselves as champions of labour governance for a number of complex reasons, and their motivations vary across company type, scale, size and sector. Overall, though, it’s clear that big business has forged a model in which they can have strategic control over the design and implementation of labour governance initiatives. As one company CSR executive described of Walmart’s CSR efforts:
By adopting the process that said, ‘We got it, this is our ball, we’re going to do something about supply chains’ … Walmart, on behalf of the entire retail industry said, ‘This is our problem. This isn’t a government regulatory problem. This isn’t China’s problem, this isn’t Vietnam’s problem. This is our problem. We have the power, resources, and ability to deal with it and we will.’58
At the same time as companies have increasingly claimed that the ball of labour governance is in their court, states have stopped or struggled to enforce the labour laws on their books. Indeed, the rise of corporate auditing and CSR has coincided with the decline of state-based labour law enforcement and inspections in many jurisdictions. In countries across the global North and South, state-based labour law enforcement is now low to nonexistent. In the US, for instance, employers are very unlikely to be inspected by the Department of Labor. Economist Gordon Lafer has estimated that ‘an employer would have to operate for 1,000 years to have even a 1 percent chance of being audited by Department of Labor inspectors’.59 As labour abuse has continually been framed as something perpetrated by ‘bad apple’ and ‘rogue’ employers and criminal actors within the private economy, states have increasingly sat at the sidelines, except where they are afforded opportunities to rush in and lock up the really bad guys, heroically liberating victims of human trafficking and modern slavery.
But just because corporations have built labour governance initiatives and are pouring loads of money into them – money which, incidentally, is not being paid in taxes to government or as wages to the workers earning well below the poverty line in global supply chains – does not mean that these governance initiatives are designed or implemented in ways that meaningfully protect workers. By contrast, as I will discuss in Chapter 2, a growing body of research suggests that industry-led labour governance initiatives are failing to meet their stated aims and are doing little to solve workers’ most pressing challenges; they rarely achieve their aspirational goals of creating supply chains characterized by safe workplaces free from forced labour or predatory recruitment fees and characterized by women’s empowerment. When the design and implementation of industry-led labour governance initiatives is examined and compared against patterns of labour exploitation in global supply chains, it is unsurprising that many fail to yield concrete improvements. After all, business initiatives rarely tackle the root causes that give rise to exploitation in supply chains, and tend to structure systems to skirt around and cover up – rather than shed light into – the worst abuses.
How could there be such dire problems when rich and powerful companies are channelling their resources into addressing labour abuse through CSR, supplier codes of conduct, social auditing and ethical certification schemes, and many consumers are paying more to buy products advertised as ethically made? To understand how things have gone so badly wrong in global supply chains, we need to take a step back and look at the bigger picture of labour exploitation and deficiencies in labour governance.
In this book, I analyse four core challenges in contemporary labour governance. I argue that, first, there is a mismatch between the patterns of labour exploitation in global supply chains and the design of labour governance initiatives and their enforcement. Second, changing patterns of corporate ownership, organization and scale – and industry actors’ growing political power – is making them more and more ungovernable. Third, a sizable governance gap surrounds the booming recruitment industry, through which workers are supplied into global supply chains. Finally, a profitable enforcement industry has arisen, with vested financial interest in monitoring tools and programmes, and no financial interest in actually solving problems. These are profitable and advantageous for industry actors, but seldom lead to accurate depictions of labour standards or concrete improvements for workers.
In the remainder of this section, I’ll briefly outline each of these four challenges, which are taken up, respectively, in Chapters 2–5, and then highlight the book’s key conclusions, which are developed in Chapter 6.
Labour exploitation in global supply chains
Labour exploitation is endemic in several industries and global supply chains today, including more minor forms like wage theft and forced overtime, as well as the worst forms of labour exploitation typically described as forced labour, human trafficking СКАЧАТЬ