Hong Kong in Revolt. Au Loong-Yu

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СКАЧАТЬ 1.2, there was a higher share of ‘localists’ than in the city-wide survey in Table 1.1. Neither survey must lead us into believing that the relevant political parties were necessarily as strong (or as weak) as the survey might suggest. Firstly, it is debatable how much these political categories can actually tell us. While the term ‘pan-democrat’ had a clearer meaning – those who worked within the Basic Law and were in general law-abiding and therefore non-violent – the term ‘localist’ is quite confusing. ‘Localists’ range from simply ‘loving Hong Kong’, and thinking that Hong Kongers’ identity must be respected, to outright hatred against mainland Chinese people (for the latter category see Chapter 2). It was not clear how the many thousands of sou jan, or first-time activists, interpreted this term. The term ‘radical democrats’ is also a puzzle. One may argue that this lack of clarity is a reflection of the belated development of party politics in general in Hong Kong, and also of the legacy of colonialism.

      Secondly, we should briefly discuss the underdevelopment and organisational weakness of all political parties in Hong Kong. Therefore, when people identified themselves as being from a certain ‘current’ this did not necessarily imply that they identified with a particular party. When two million people took to the streets on 16 June, the vast majority of them did not belong to any party at all. Also, the high proportion of people identifying as ‘centre/no political inclination’ might suggest the proportion of people whose political inclinations remained fluid and could change relatively easily. For the many thousands of sou jan this was their first or second time that they had joined any protest, waved any flag, or clashed with the police.

      Tactics

      In terms of political objectives, there is continuity between the Umbrella Movement and the 2019 revolt in that both were pursuing universal suffrage. It is this which partly allowed the latter to continue its mobilisation even after Carrie Lam announced the withdrawal of the extradition bill. On the other hand, in terms of tactics, the 2014 movement was very different from the 2019 revolt. While the former’s main tactic was to occupy the main thoroughfares of Hong Kong Island and Kowloon, the latter consciously avoided this tactic from the very beginning. Once the 9 June demonstration had proven the enthusiasm of the people, online agitation chose the ‘be like water’ tactic instead, which meant demonstrating and confronting the police in a mobile way. The term can be traced to online discussion quoting the words of the kung-fu master Bruce Lee:

      Empty your mind, be formless, shapeless, like water. Put water into a cup. It becomes the cup. Put water into a teapot. It becomes the teapot. Water can flow or creep or drip or crash. Be water my friend.

      Protests that obtained a license in advance usually had a start and an end point and so were less likely to ‘be like water’. ‘Illegal’ protests, especially towards the later period when the police became even more ferocious, had to ‘be like water’ to avoid arrests. In this period, most legal marches were also likely to end up ‘like water’ because they were not able to march to the planned end point, as the police used all kinds of excuses to break up the marches, forcing protesters to disperse into small batches in every direction.

      What is interesting to note is that the two biggest confrontations in November, namely the occupation of CUHK and PolyU, were in opposition to the ‘be like water’ tactic. Rather, they looked more like ‘a war of position’ than ‘a war of movement’.

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