Manifesto. Karl Marx

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      The following thoughts by Engels are very illustrative of this: “The social and economic phases that these countries [referring to the Third World] will also have to go through before attaining social organization cannot be, I believe, anything other than the object of quite idle speculations. One thing is certain, the victorious proletariat cannot impose happiness on a foreign people without compromising its own victory.” This lesson has been proven dramatically in the reality of the very heart of the old continent.

      Marx and Engels did not take into account the imperialist phases studied by Lenin, nor were they sufficiently well acquainted with the socioeconomic realities facing Third World countries. Neither was the founder of the October Revolution able to study our continent, although his analysis of imperialism focused on the main problem of the 20th century, and was based on information he had acquired on the liberation process that was developing during that period among the people of Asia.

      The rescue of the best traditions within universal culture is an undeniable means of defending the interests of the poor. It is should be compulsory to carry out concrete economic studies that help us demonstrate reliably that culture has been the most dynamic factor in the economic history of the world, and particularly the world within which we are living.

      In order to explore the question in some depth I suggest following the thread linking these documents historically on the basis of José Martí’s most central ideas. When we read Martí, we begin to notice a more detailed analysis of the reasons why socialism failed. He was fulfilling the role of prophet when he warned of the following:

      There is something I must praise highly, and it is the affection you show in your dealings with people; and your masculine respect for Cubans, whoever they might be, who are out there sincerely seeking a world that is a little better and an essential balance in the administration of this world’s affairs. Such an aspiration must be judged as noble, regardless of whatever extremes human passion might take it to. The socialist project, like many others, involves two dangers: readings that are confused and incomplete, distancing the project from reality; and the concealed pride and anger of the ambitious, who make pretences in order to get ahead in the world, to have shoulders to hoist themselves on, frenetic defenders of the helpless. Some go like pests, the queen’s hangers on, as was Marat when with green ink he dedicated his book to her, bloody flattery, Marat’s egg of justice. Others go like lunatics or chamberlains, like those Chateaubriand spoke of in his Memoirs. But the risk is not as great among our people as it is in those societies which are more wrathful, where there is less natural light. Our job is to explain simply and in detail, as you know how to: it is not to compromise sublime justice by using flawed methods or making excessive demands. And always with justice, you and I, because mistakes that are made do not authorize those with good souls to desert in its defense. Very well then, there it is, May 1. I anxiously await your account.⁶

      Martí represents a humanist vein from within a radical tradition. His originality lies in the fact that he was radical and at the same time determined to gather the largest number of people possible in support of the cause he had in mind.

      Very often human beings have been radical and have not made a sufficient mental effort to unite all those who could potentially support them. On other occasions they have endeavored to unite large numbers of people without being radical. Martí was radical and at the same time promoted a policy aimed at overcoming the Machiavellian principle of divide and conquer, replacing it with the postulate unite to win.

      At this point we touch on an essential matter within the Cuban intellectual tradition: the role of culture and ethics in society. On the philosophical plane, Martí pointed out ideas that could lead to a crucible of principles of major political significance, practice and teaching: the balance of the world / the still uncertain balance in the world,⁷ the utility of virtue⁸ and the culture of making politics.

      Faced with the demagogy and evil intent of those who govern the United States — those who have spoken of an “axis of evil” that includes Cuba — we could reply that it is necessary to strive toward an axis of good that consists of culture, ethics, law and political solidarity. With that framework and in the context of the Cuban Revolution, we have read and assimilated these documents that have transcended their historical times to become a vast source of wisdom, without which it would be impossible to understand our historical times and the future of the 21st century.

       Armando Hart

       September 2004