Название: Governing Bodies
Автор: Rachel Louise Moran
Издательство: Ingram
Жанр: Историческая литература
Серия: Politics and Culture in Modern America
isbn: 9780812295061
isbn:
At the same time, otherwise able-bodied male citizens could also be subjected to the methods of the advisory state—especially when claims of medical objectivity undergirded those methods. From advice about what wives and mothers should feed these men to standards defining the proper male body, the advisory state chose from an arsenal of quiet methods. These techniques often shaped a man’s mind before they shaped his body.36 The result was a male body—and an American masculinity—far more structured by social and political concerns than most histories acknowledge. This is especially critical since the ideal male citizen (imagined as white, able-bodied, and native-born) is so frequently disembodied in histories, particularly political and policy histories, which allows us to miss how critical his own physiological body can be to policy interests.
Considering advisory state projects complicates discussions of both federal interests and techniques of governance. The bullying “french fry police,” for instance, are fantasy. Even amid very different political contexts over the span of the twentieth century, the notion of a federal government explicitly and aggressively intervening in most private citizens’ physiques remained untenable and, in most cases, undesirable. While economic depression and mobilization for war intensified federal concerns over citizen physique, the techniques of governance that agencies used to address these concerns were never truly policing. That was simply no way to manage the seemingly intimate realm of the citizen body. Moreover, the most aggressive body projects have rarely been meant for those citizens vocalizing a contemporary anxiety about “french fry police.” Especially after World War II, when American worries about big government intensified, it was almost exclusively low-income (and typically female and nonwhite) citizens who faced the sharpest interventions of the federal government around body weight and physique. For other citizens in the same period, a subtler advisory approach dominated. State interest and investment in citizens’ productive bodies has a long history, but it is a history built on programs often as concerned with producing and maintaining the illusion of citizen autonomy—especially white, male, middle-class autonomy—as they are concerned with citizen reshaping.
CHAPTER 1
The Advisory State World War I Made: Scientific Nutrition and Scientific Mothering
Dr. Wilbur Olin Atwater was best known for his calorimeter tests—dietary experiments in which he kept graduate students in sealed chambers while they burned up energy performing various tasks. He then measured the energy they exerted with an aim of understanding the physiology of calorie expenditure. Atwater ultimately dispensed dietary advice based loosely on these findings. In an 1888 treatise on nutrition science, this man sometimes described as the “father of American nutrition” expressed a paternalistic concern over women’s food-shopping habits. “The good wife and mother does not understand about protein and potential energy,” he wrote. Nor did she understand “the connection between the nutritive value of food and the price she pays for it.” Atwater believed that improving American diets required his scientific approach. Once this nutrition science spread, once it was available to doctors, public health workers, and settlement house professionals, Atwater argued, it would become the new American way of nutrition.1 Atwater’s research was the vehicle through which concerns over American strength, vigor, and vitality began to receive direct federal research attention and funding. This federal attention, well positioned amid Progressive Era attention to health and better living through science, marked the growth of the modern advisory state.
Economic, racial, and national divisions produced anxiety in late nineteenth-century America, especially for the middle to upper classes. The Plessy v. Ferguson case codified racial segregation. European immigrants worked twelve-hour days in dirty, dangerous northern factories.2 In response to a society that seemed out of control—and poised to erupt at any moment—a number of Americans sought to reorganize the nation in ways that promised to reestablish order.3 Against big banks and big railroads, against monopolies and trusts, against rampant political corruption, a middle class sought to respond to these end-of-century social problems through expertise and scientific management.4 Food reformers most famously embraced pure food and drug standards and meat inspections in this era.5 In fact, reformers interested in dietary management positioned themselves as central to this larger Progressive agenda.6
Wilbur Atwater and his Progressive-minded supporters pushed for food reform that went far beyond safer foodstuffs for the middle classes. Instead, they argued that scientific nutrition could help immigrants Americanize, ease the problems of the working poor, and prepare the nation for continued industrial progress. This approach reverberated loudly for Progressives. Nutrition education promised a “sound and economical basis” for human health.7 Atwater, for instance, referred to dietary plans as the “pecuniary economy” of food.8 Women—wives, mothers, and household managers—stood at the forefront of everyday American decisions about nutrition. Progressive nutritionists, through the wives and mothers of laborers in particular, held the key to industrial progress by using home economics to literally strengthen the nation’s men. Through scientific nutrition, activists like Atwater and his supporters hoped the workingman’s wife might improve American physique. In the process, Atwater, home economists, and the later federal agencies who sought to assess these women’s progress, all suggested that women had the responsibility of ensuring male labor power through educated consumer choice. The Progressive nutrition agenda included this understanding of familial responsibility for a manageable and malleable human body, alongside the belief that such responsibility required scientific education and training rather than intuition or tradition. Proper discipline would make an ideal citizen inside and out. Less-than-ideal bodies, by extension, must be the product of ignorance or bad choices.
The emphasis on advising women on nutrition, and then expecting their compliance, played a key role in shaping women’s Progressive reform work. Then the emerging public health work of middle-class female reformers fueled a 1910s and 1920s effort to improve a new generation of workers by focusing on children’s bodies. The Children’s Bureau’s voluntary networks reshaped the public discourse around child health and physique through height-weight measurements, maternal education, and conferences and other events. These women’s adaptations of scientific nutrition and public health measures offered a subtler approach than contemporaneous eugenics efforts. They placed responsibility for children’s health—typically quantified as appropriate weight and height—on mothers rather than genetic inheritance. The reform projects also avoided most controversy by emphasizing maternal approaches to distinguish themselves from medical projects, and by relying heavily on the use of quantification and standards that promised an objective approach to health concerns.
Calorie counts and dietary studies in the 1890s and 1900s, and child weighing and measuring efforts in the 1910s and 1920s, all offered neatly scientific, quantified methods of addressing otherwise overwhelming social problems. Notably, it was at the height of the Great War when American male strength seemed most embattled, that federal nutrition experts moved from the laboratory setting into the health clinic setting. World War I provided an opportunity for reformers to expand federal advisory state body projects. The advisory state of American physique was built in late nineteenth-century nutrition research, and then deployed in World War I–era child health programs. The World War I and post–World War I state enlisted women’s labor and allegiance without apparent federal overreach to construct a narrative of individual responsibility around food choices being beneficial to the civic whole.
Wilbur Atwater and Scientific Nutrition
Chemist Wilbur Atwater, inspired by a few years of study abroad, pursued federal СКАЧАТЬ