Living Letters of the Law. Jeremy Cohen

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СКАЧАТЬ 39 (1983), 1–27, and “Scholarship and Intolerance in the Medieval Academy: The Study and Evaluation of Judaism in European Christendom,” AHR 91 (1986), 592–613.

      3. I first proposed the formulation of the “hermeneutical Jew” in papers on “Anti-Jewish Discourse and Its Function in Medieval Christian Theology,” presented to the New Chaucer Society in August 1992, and on “The Muslim Connection: On the Changing Role of the Jew in High Medieval Theology,” presented at the Herzog August Bib-liothek in Wolfenbüttel, Germany, in October 1993 and subsequently published in FWW, pp. 141–62. The term has since found explicit acceptance in Paula Fredriksen, “Excaecati occulta justitia Dei: Augustine on Jews and Judaism,” Journal of Early Christian Studies 3 (1995), 321 n. 61, and “Divine Justice and Human Freedom: Augustine on Jews and Judaism, 392–398,” in FWW, p. 52 n. 52. Cf. also the usage of :“theological Jew” in Gilbert Dahan, Les Intellectuels chrétiens et les Juifs au Moyen Âge (Paris, 1990), p. 585; the approach to seventh-century Byzantine texts proposed by David M. Olster, Roman Defeat, Christian Response, and the Literary Construction of the Jew (Philadelphia, 1994); and the new perspective on Gregory the Great offered by Robert A. Markus, “The Jew as a Hermeneutic Device: The Inner Life of a Gregorian Topos,” in Gregory the Great: A Symposium, ed. John C. Cavadini (Notre Dame, Ind., 1995), pp. 1–15. I am grateful to Professor Markus for sharing his paper with me in advance of its publication.

      4. Frank E. Manuel, The Broken Staff: Judaism through Christian Eyes (Cambridge, Mass., 1992); pp. 13–29 concern the Middle Ages.

      5. See the judicious overview of the state of the field in Heikki Räisänen, “Paul, God, and Israel: Romans 9–11 in Recent Research,” in The Social World of Formative Christianity and Judaism: Essays in Tribute to Howard Clark Lee, ed. Jacob Neusner et al. (Philadelphia, 1988), pp. 178–206.

      6. Cf., for example, the views of Rosemary R. Ruether, Faith and Fratricide: The Theological Roots of Anti-Semitism (New York, 1974), pp 95–107, with those of John G. Gager, The Origins of Anti-Semitism: Attitudes toward Judaism rn Pagan and Christian Antiquity (New York, 1983), esp. chaps. 11–15, and Lloyd Gaston, Paul and the Torah(Vancouver, B.C., 1987).

      7. Owing to the avowedly cursory and selective nature of this overview, I have sought to keep the notes to a minimum. For instructive overviews and ample bibliography on patristic attitudes toward the Jews, see Marcel Simon, Verus Israel: A Study of the Relattons between Christians and Jews in the Rontan Empire (135–425), trans. H. Mc-Keating (New York, 1986), chaps. 5–6; A. Lukyn Williams, Adversus Judaeos: A Bird's-Eye View of Christian Apologiae until the Renaissance (Cambridge, England, 1935); Ruether, Faith and Fratricide, pp. 117–82; Miriam S. Taylor, Anti-Judaism and Early Christian Identity: A Critique of the Scholarly Consensus, Studia Post-biblica 46 (Leiden, Netherlands, 1995); Samuel Krauss, The Jewish-Christian Controversy from the Earliest Times to 1798, Volume I: History, ed. and rev. William Horbury, Texte und Studien zurn antiken Judentum 56 (Tübingen, Germany, 1995), chap. 1; and Guy G. Stroumsa, “From Anti-Judaism to Antisemitism in Early Christianity?” in Contra ludaeos: Ancient and Medieval Polemics between Christians and Jews, ed. Ora Limor and Guy G. Stroumsa, Texts and Studies in Medieval and Early Modern Judaism lo (Tübingen, Germany, 1996), pp. 1–26.

      8. On alternative options for translating the title of this work, see Melito of Sardis, On Pascha and Fragments, ed. and trans. Stuart George Hall (Oxford, 1979), p. 3 n. I.

      9. Melito, Peri Pascha 79–82, ibid., pp. 42–45.

      10. Melito, Peri Pascha 43, ibid., pp. 20–21

      11. Tertullian, Adversus Marcionem 3.7–8, ed and trans. Ernest Evans (Oxford, 1972), 1:188–91.

      12. Justin Martyr, Dialogos 27.4, in Edgar J. Goodspeed, ed., Die ältesten Apologeten (Göttingen, Germany, 1914), p. 121; trans. in Justin Martyr, The Dialogue with Trypho, trans. A. Lukyn Williams (London, rgjo), pp. 54–55.

      13. Justin Martyr, Dialogos 16.2, in Goodspeed, Die ältesten Apologeten, p. 109; trans. in Justin Martyr, Dialogue, pp. 32–33.

      14. Justin Martyr, Dialogos 11.2, in Goodspeed, Die ältesten Apologeten, p. 102; trans. in Justin Martyr, Dialogue, p. 23, with slight modifications.

      15. David Rokeah, “The Church Fathers and the Jews in Writings Designed for Internal and External Use,” in Antisemitism through the Ages ed. Shmuel Almog, trans. Nathan H. Reisner (Oxford, 1988), p. 64.

      16. Stroumsa, “From Anti-Judaism to Antisemitism,” p. 23.

      17. John Chrysostom, Logoi kata loudaín 1.6, PG 48:852; I have proposed but one modification of the translation in Wayne A. Meeks and Robert L. Wilken, Jews and Christians in Antioch in the First Four Centuries of the Common Era, Society for Biblical Literature, Sources for Biblical Study 13 (Missoula, Mont., 1978), p. 97.

      18. Stroumsa, “From Anti-Judaism to Antisemitism,” passim. Although Chrysostom aired his outrage over respect showed by Christians for Jews and for Jewish ritual in Antioch in his own day-and as Robert Wilken has shown in John Chrysostom and the Jews: Rhetoric and Reality in the Late 4th Century (Berkeley, Calif., 1983), one must appreciate his sermons against the additional background of Emperor Julian's plan to rebuild the Jewish temple in Jerusalem—his portrayals of the Jew and Judaism are no less theologically crafted than those of other church fathers. For, as Wilken has observed, p. 159, John's vitriolic negation of Judaism was truly “an attempt to argue for the truth of the Christian religion.”

      19. J.N.D. Kelly, Golden Mouth: The Story of ]ohn Chrysostom-Ascetic, Preacher, Bishop (Ithaca, N.Y., 1gg5), p. 62; Peter Brown, Augustine of Htppo: A Biography (London, 1967), p. 124.

      20. Throughout this book, full bibliographical citations appear at the first reference to a work in the footnotes to each chapter and in the bibliography. As frequently happens, the transliteration of Hebrew and the rendition of names in other languages present problems that defy an entirely consistent solution, especially if one seeks to avoid being overly awkward. I have tended to Anglicize personal names when referring to them discursively (e.g., Nachmanides, Yechiel of Paris, Raymond of Penyafort), but not when these names themselves appear in foreign-language phrases and titles (e.g., Wikkuah Rabbertu Yehiel, “Chronologia biographica s. Raimundi”). When a Hebrew work includes a romanized title, I have cited it as such, noting the language of the text in brackets. I have generally followed the new Jewish Publication Society translation of the Hebrew Bible and the Revised Standard Version of the New Testament. Although I have regularly consulted available translations of ancient and medieval sources, all other translations are my own unless noted otherwise.

      PART ONE

      Augustinian Foundations

      From the earliest days of the history of the church, Christian ideas of Jews and Judaism responded to the imperatives of Christian theology and to the essential characteristics of the Christian interpretation of Scripture. The course of modern civilization has shown how such ideologically and hermeneutically derived constructions have continued to bear on the interaction of Christian and Jew, at times with cataclysmic results. Inasmuch as this book concerns the medieval history of those Christian ideas in the Latin West, it begins with Augustine of Hippo. From theology and philosophy to music and literary criticism, from his sexual obsessions to a penchant for autobiography and self-understanding, Augustine of Hippo bequeathed so much to Western civilization that one need hardly wonder if this bequest included his ideas on Jews and Judaism. Indeed, modern students of Jewish-Christian relations typically attribute the theological foundations of the medieval church's Jewish policy СКАЧАТЬ