Название: War Party
Автор: Greg Ardé
Издательство: Ingram
Жанр: Зарубежная публицистика
isbn: 9780624088240
isbn:
Simphiwe said that Khambule came from nearby Isandlwana and worked as a security guard in Johannesburg. He gained local prominence when he joined an organisation called Isikebhe, a community group that sought to crack down on stock theft. The ANC worked with Isikebhe to rally local support and Khambule joined the ANC, to the dismay of local ANC members. According to Simphiwe, testifying before the Moerane Commission, Khambule became close to local ANC leaders and went from struggling to make ends meet by doing odd jobs to riding around in a Toyota Fortuner. ANC members complained that Khambule went about armed and intimidated people. Simphiwe said it was clear that Khambule was sent by someone “who was behind the scenes to organise the hitman”. In his view, his brother was being sidelined in the ANC ahead of his murder because of clashes he had with Khambule. “Vusumuzi believed that Khambule had been sent by others to target him.”
At the time in the Nquthu municipality, there was a coalition between the ANC and the National Freedom Party aimed at wresting control from the IFP. Vusumuzi told his brother that his comrades suspected him of wanting to vote against the ANC, something he would never have done. But he railed against the ANC for decisions it took that supported local corruption.
Simphiwe said Vusumuzi had told him as far back as 2011 that he was under pressure by ANC colleagues, especially Mayor Emily Molefe, to approve a contract with a certain security company without following proper tendering procedures. His objection to this saw him isolated within the ANC. He was called to a meeting where he was told that if he didn’t resign, he would be dead.
Simphiwe urged his brother to report the matter to the police and to hire bodyguards, but Vusumuzi didn’t trust the police to help. He also “did not trust the security company that was contracted by the municipality”. This company, called Ocean Dawn, had employed Khambule before he became the mayor’s bodyguard.
In Khambule’s trial, a state witness testified that before the actual assassination, there were two previous attempts to kill Vusumuzi. He said to the court that “Khambule had told him that if he failed to get the hitmen, he [Khambule] would be in trouble as the mayor had threatened to poison him,” reported Simphiwe to the Moerane Commission. He also wanted to know who had paid Khambule’s legal fees because he could not afford them. In court, Khambule was represented by a big-city lawyer reputedly known for defending taxi owners. In the end he was found guilty and as of late 2019 he was in Kokstad maximum security prison serving a life sentence.
The Ntombela family, Simphiwe said, believed the masterminds behind their brother’s killing were still walking free. Why didn’t the police investigate further? The evidence was available and the suspects had in fact been caught red-handed. Did the police follow up on the security tender? Simphiwe said the authorities did not take his brother’s murder seriously. “It was just left hanging. Where are the Hawks? If they are serious, they would find out who ordered the hit.”
He said there was “complete fear” after his brother’s murder. “Some people said we can’t question this. If we do, we will die. People wouldn’t even talk to my family in public.”
Vusumuzi’s funeral was hijacked by the ANC. The memory of this still rankles Simphiwe and his family. “I was searched at my own brother’s funeral. There was this MP who wasn’t known to the family who stood at the door with his bullies and stopped people from coming into the hall. They were like his dogs and he was commanding them. They were from the same security company, Ocean Dawn. They gave a gun salute. What is that?”
Simphiwe bristled at the memory of the bigwigs who attended the funeral and pledged justice for his brother. The MEC Peggy Nkonyeni, the Reverend James Mthethwa and even Thobeka Zuma, President Jacob Zuma’s wife, promised that the people who had ordered Vusumuzi’s murder would be brought to book.
At the ceremony the father of Elizabeth Nhleko, the schoolgirl killed in the crossfire, was apparently fearless. He told mourners Vusumuzi was killed by the ANC, at which the dignitaries squirmed. Ordinary people were angry and made no attempt to hide it. Locals declared there was a stench about the ANC, and in subsequent by-elections in Nquthu the IFP trounced the ANC.
Simphiwe says the murder threatened to split his family. “It is very painful for us. The other day one of my sisters rebuked a family member for wearing an ANC T-shirt. She said, ‘How can you do this when they killed Vusumuzi?’ ”
Simphiwe shook his head slowly. His brother, he said, was murdered by “hyenas in the ANC. It is chilling. How will those children ever get over that trauma?”
* * *
The security company whose name has cropped up in connection with the Vusumuzi case bears some closer attention. For many, Ocean Dawn is closely linked to Moffat Mosia, a politically connected 45-year-old who was found guilty in 1999 for the crime of kidnapping in Cofimvaba in the Eastern Cape. He was sentenced to 15 years and was paroled in 2009. His shadow looms over Ocean Dawn but he insists that he has no connection to the business or the security industry, and that the company is run by his sister. A company search revealed his links to five companies: Ocean Dawn (from which Mosia has resigned as a director); In For More Trading and Projects; Nkuto Plant and Civils; Matasha Projects; and Enduneni Contractors. According to Deeds Office data, he has properties in Nquthu, Ulundi and Umhlanga (his latest purchase, for R5 million, in 2018).
Ocean Dawn has also been involved in a prolonged court battle with a rival security company in Dundee, trying to secure the R1-million-a-month contract to provide municipal protection services in the town.
In 2018 Mosia shared the stage with deputy police minister Bongani Mkongi (who was among the last batch of Jacob Zuma’s cabinet appointees) and celebrated businessman Smanga Mabaso, who hosts the popular Tugela Ferry “Msinga Driftkhana” car event where contestants spin their vehicles around. A local told me that the deputy minister was escorted onto the stage by Ocean Dawn security as Mosia watched and Mabaso sprayed champagne over the crowds.
Mosia was also mentioned in an August 2019 case in the Estcourt magistrate’s court in which then Endumeni/Dundee mayor Siboniso Richard Mbatha, 31, appeared on charges of conspiracy to commit murder, along with fellow IFP councillor Mthembeni Majola and alleged hitman Xolani Makhathini. They were arrested in May that year after allegedly conspiring to murder former Dundee municipal council speaker Bongiwe Mbatha-Makhathini in 2018. At the time she, Mbatha and Majola were all members of the IFP.
She claimed that she and Moffat Mosia were targeted after the two had had discussions with Richard Mbatha at a Newcastle hotel. The upshot was that she was called to a meeting by Mbatha (they share the same surname but are not related) where the mayor did most of the talking. It related to a municipal security tender that Ocean Dawn was due to get in return for an R800,000 payment to the IFP. There are varying accounts of the story still to be fleshed out in court, but one is that there was unease over how the bribe was to be divvied up and none of the parties was happy, not least Bongiwe Mbatha-Makhathini. Insiders told me that relations between Mosia and the mayor had soured over money. Mbatha-Makhathini claimed she wanted no part of the bribe. Months later police tipped her off about a plot to assassinate her, and her fellow councillors were arrested.
Two weeks after their August 2019 court appearance in Estcourt, co-accused Mthembeni Majola and his driver were shot dead in an ambush outside town. The IFP in the meantime ditched Richard Mbatha as mayor but gave him a job in the Umzinyathi district municipality handling publicity. Mbatha-Makhathini subsequently left the IFP and joined the ANC.