The Chinese in Toronto from 1878. Arlene Chan
Чтение книги онлайн.

Читать онлайн книгу The Chinese in Toronto from 1878 - Arlene Chan страница 14

Название: The Chinese in Toronto from 1878

Автор: Arlene Chan

Издательство: Ingram

Жанр: История

Серия:

isbn: 9781459700949

isbn:

СКАЧАТЬ

      Migration patterns were usually based on extended family relationships. Immigration laws favoured the relatives of Chinese already in Canada, and visits home resulted in the migration of more Chinese from the same village or clan. Sponsors of a fellow villager or clansman provided living quarters and work; businessmen often sponsored relatives to work in their laundries or restaurants. As a result of these processes, the departure of males from certain villages was significant, and the villagers became dependent on remittances that were sent from far-away places. Often, these villages were far more well-to-do than neighbouring ones that did not have any of their men working overseas. An additional outcome of this migratory pattern was that Chinatowns in Canada were dominated by men from the same district or with the same surname. In some cases, there was a strong correlation among lineage ties, jobs, and residence. As an example, most members of the Ma clan from Taishan county ended up as cooks and servants in Nanaimo, British Columbia.5

      Although government records do not list the precise origins of Toronto’s early Chinese, most were likely from the county of Taishan. Common surnames were Lee, Lem, Wong, and Chan.6 Depending on the village language, the same surname was pronounced and spelled differently. For example, Lam, Lem, Lim, or Lum are the same name. Since clan members shared a founding ancestor, it was not unusual for men with the same surname to be from the same village and related in some way, however distantly. As noted in Denise Chong’s The Concubines’ Children, “If there was one Chinese law of the universe, it was loyalty to gee gay yun, to one’s own people. In the homeland, it was to family, village and clan — sometimes one and the same.”7

      Wayson Choy described the significance of surnames in his novel All That Matters:

      Everyone in Chinatown seemed to know everyone else. You only had to say your surname, mention any Kwangtung county — Sam yup, Sze yup, Chungshan, Heungshan — even mention Canton, Hong Kong, speak of any of the city or village dialects — and smiling strangers would link you to a chain of kinfolk.8

      The most popular surnames of Lee, Mak, Lem, Wong, and Chan represented the largest and most powerful family associations, whose members dominated business, social, and political life. Less predominant surnames, insufficient in numbers to support single surname associations, were grouped into multiple surname associations. One grouping was for the surnames, Lui, Fong, and Kwong. Another multiple surname association, Lung Kong Kung So, grouped four surnames: Liu (Liu), Guan (Kwan), Zhang (Cheung), and Zhao (Chiu). In this instance, the grouping was based on an age-old brotherhood of four heroes during the historical era of the Three Kingdoms (220–280 C.E.). Lung Kong Kung So was established in Toronto in 1911. In 1922 the Lung Kong Kung So bought the property at 24 Elizabeth Street, tore down the building, and replaced it with a three-storey centre for its members.9

images

      The Lung Kong Kung So Association purchased the property at 24 Elizabeth Street, tore down the building, and built this three-storey headquarters.

      In 1910 there were 10 clan and two district associations in Toronto (see Table 8). The most prominent family association halls were located around Dundas Street and Elizabeth Street, the centre of the Chinese community.

      TABLE 8

      Clan and District Associations in Toronto, 1910

Association Name Type
Lung Kong Kung So Multiple surname association (Liu, Kwan, Cheung, Chiu)
Soo Yuen Tong Multiple surname association (Lui, Fong, Kwong)
Lem Si Ho Tong Single surname — Lin (Lem)
Li She Kong So Single surname — Li (Lee)
Wong Wun Sun King So Single surname — Huang (Wong)
Mark Chee Hing Tong Single surname — Mai (Mark)
Low Kong Kung So Single surname — Wu (Ng)
Wong Min Shing Kung So Single surname — Huang (Wong)
Kwan Lung Si Tong Single surname — Guan (Kwan)
Hong Tong Kung So Single surname — Hong
Kwong Chow Hui Kuan District association — Guangzhou (Kwong Chow)
Kwong Hoi Hui Kuan District association — Kwong Hoi

      Source: Adapted from Richard H. Thompson, Toronto’s Chinatown (New York: AMS Press, 1989), 64.

      The family association for the Chen (Chan) surname was established later, in 1918, as Chin Ying Chun Tang.10 To the outside world, these organizations presented a picture of solidarity and cohesiveness; from the inside, out of sight of the host society, the struggle for scarce resources of wealth, prestige, and power was fought.

      Community Associations

      The governing body of the clan and district structures was the Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association (zhonghua huiguan). First organized in 1884 in Victoria, this organization was the top tier of the associations, with overall responsibility for maintaining order in the community, defending against external threats, and fighting discrimination. Until an official consulate was established in Ottawa in 1908, the Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association assumed Chinese consulship in Canada and acted as the government within the borders of Chinatown.11 The merchants, who were the leaders in the association, were the ones with financial and social influence that enabled them to deal with the world beyond Chinatown. They negotiated with the city government and police and established an important link between the Chinese and the host establishment. Even though the Chinese lacked the right to vote, the association gave Chinatown a voice. The Toronto branch was established in 1920 on Elizabeth Street.

      The association collected funds through a $2 exit fee levied on anyone who returned to China.12 This money was used for operating expenses and also to pay for return fares for members who lacked the financial resources to return on their own. The exit fees also offset costs incurred in shipping the bones of deceased Chinese to their respective ancestral villages, a service that the association coordinated across Canada.

      Sending bones to China was important because the belief was that their burial in ancestral homes would save the deceased from becoming wandering spirits in a foreign land. Bodies were buried twice, the first time in shallow graves immediately following death. After seven years, the bodies were exhumed, the bones cleaned, placed in a bag labelled with the person’s name, home county, and village name, and shipped to Victoria. Once there were sufficient numbers of bags of bones, these were shipped to Hong Kong, then to their respective home villages in China for a second burial in the ancestral plot. These shipments occurred about once every seven years and continued until 1940.13

      Despite these arrangements, only a few had their remains shipped back to China; most were buried where they died. Even among those bones that were shipped to China, many were unclaimed and buried without ceremony at numerous sites. One such graveyard had been set up in the county of Xinhui in 1892 for the remains of 387 deceased workers who had no families СКАЧАТЬ