Название: THE COMPLETE WORKS OF ÉMILE ZOLA
Автор: Эмиль Золя
Издательство: Bookwire
Жанр: Языкознание
isbn: 9788027233410
isbn:
The Republican party, to tell the truth, did not exist; there was no connection between the liberal bourgeois class and the people: the latter remained on the lowest stage, without leaders, without any well-defined tendencies, and with no courage to act alone; the bourgeois class were satisfied with a little reasonable liberty, prepared for their use. The few drawingroom republicans who uttered their fine phrases here and there, were simple babblers who did not understand the modern ideas of the various classes of society, and who merely took advantage of the new state of things to make themselves prominent.
Opposed to these weak and disunited Republican elements, were two powerful camps: the Legitimists who were laughing in the sleeve at the overthrow of Louis Philippe, hoping to take advantage of the disturbance to seize the reins of power again, and the Conservatives, the crowd of commercial men who clamoured for peace at any cost, whoever were the master, a legitimate King or an Usurper. The latter only hoped ardently for one liberty: the liberty to earn millions.
If Marseille had dared, it would perhaps have made a counter-revolution. Compelled to submit to events, it confined itself to opposing the new government with sullen reaction. It accepted the Republic, from the first moment, with distrust, and endeavoured to lessen the effects of the new order of things as much as possible. The Conservative and Legitimist elements still dominated the city, and made it a very active centre of opposition.
At times, when Philippe was not led away by excitement, he could see clearly that he and his would never succeed in making Marseille a Republican city, and he then experienced great despair and anger. For some time he took to journalism; but he soon understood that the flaming articles he published were not even read by the frightened swarm of commercial men and that his enthusiasm was thrown away. He then saw that action was preferable to journalism.
One of the measures that made him despair the most was the formation of a National Guard selected exclusively among the aristocratic bourgeois of Marseille. This National Guard was evidently destined to keep the people in check. He would have liked to see the poor admitted to its ranks as well as the wealthy, so that the guard of the city might be entrusted to a generality of citizens, to a body honestly animated with liberal sentiments.
The people alarmed the Conservatives who armed the bourgeois class so as to create an antagonistic feeling between the two, and to set one against the other if circumstances permitted. It was simply preparing civil war. The corporation of stevedores was the only element among the labouring classes, that was admitted into the ranks, because it was no doubt thought that the members of this corporation, who were in the pay, as it were, of the merchants who employed them, would consent to fight against their fellows, the other workers, the populace whose name alone caused alarm.
Philippe energetically refused to belong to the National Guard.
“I shall remain with the people,” he exclaimed in public. “If ever they are attacked, if their rights are not respected, I shall advise them to arm also and will fight with them.”
From Friday 25th to Tuesday 29th Marseille could not decide on proclaiming the Republic. The authorities of the former regime remained at their post and the entire city was anxious and ill at ease. The Prefect and Mayor affirmed that they were without news from Paris. Feeling there was great peril in leaving the power in the hands of the servants of the former King, the Republicans made several manifestations without effect. Reaction was already commencing and the Conservatives would not abandon the position without being certain there was no further hope. Monday night was reached thus. A multitude of workmen assembled on the Cannebière, were to march to the Town Hall in a body, with torches in their hands and a flag at their head, to obtain a formal promise that the new government would be publicly proclaimed on the following morning.
During these five days of anxiety, Philippe was in a terrible state of excitement. He did not go to his office, returned home late, quite upset with the violent emotions of the day, and brought angry and threatening language into the sad and distressed young household.
Fine and Marius gazed on him in despair, convinced that he was going to his ruin, and unable to stop him at the brink of the precipice.
CHAPTER XI
IN WHICH MATHÉUS BECOMES A REPUBLICAN
WHEN M. de Cazalis’ temper had calmed down on the day following his expedition to the cottage of Ayasse, the gardener, he was seized with absolute terror. He felt himself in the power of his enemies: now that Philippe had obtained his pardon, the Cayols would no doubt track him without pity.
He allowed Mathéus to be a witness of his alarm. Not knowing on whom to vent the rage that his powerlessness aroused within him, he overwhelmed his agent with reproaches, reviled him and said that if he had not stolen Joseph, it must be because he was in the pay of Marius.
Mathéus received the abuse philosophically and shrugged his shoulders.
“Very good! continue!” he said, impudently, “call me a villain, if that relieves you. At heart you know I am devoted to you, because you pay me far more liberally than those beggars Cayol could ever do. Instead of getting irritable, it would be wiser to think over the position and come to a decision.”
The rascal’s self-possession calmed down M. de Cazalis and he then confided to his accomplice, that he had a very good mind to fly, and go and live in peace in Italy or England. It was the simplest and most expeditious way of escaping the annoyances with which he was threatened. They would certainly not go and demand the accounts of his guardianship in a foreign country.
Mathéus listened to his master and shook his head. This idea of running away did not suit his views at all. To complete his fortune he required M. de Cazalis to remain at Marseille, so that he might speculate on his fright and get all the money he could out of him. He certainly felt that the latter was right in wishing to take to his heels, which meant safety, but he cared very little about the safety of M. de Cazalis, and did not mind if he compromised him, from the moment it was to his interest to launch him into a struggle from which the issue was doubtful. What he desired above everything, was not to lose his pay as a spy. He therefore pleaded warmly against flight, and he was fortunate enough to find good reasons to support his argument.
“Why fly?” he said. “Have you abandoned the idea of avenging yourself then? There is no reason to despair. Your enemies are trembling before you and will never dare attack you openly. There are a thousand things that bind them to silence. Come, you are very wrong to be alarmed. In your place I would remain and conquer. I would openly assume the offensive. Those idiots are sure to make a mistake. We will take advantage of everything, and the time will come when we shall have them again in our power. You have accused me of clumsiness because I did not succeed in bringing you the little one. I am not clumsy and I have a return match to play. On the word of an honest man, you shall have the child. The deuce! Acting together we can make anything we engage in succeed.”
He spoke at length, cleverly appealed to his employer’s pride and vengeance, and ended by persuading him to remain and continue the struggle. Then there was a long conference between them.
Before doing anything M. de Cazalis desired Mathéus to make an effort with Blanche. He was to endeavour to obtain her signature to various documents which would deprive her son of a large part of his inheritance.
He set out on his errand firmly decided not to get anything СКАЧАТЬ