The Times Great Military Lives: Leadership and Courage – from Waterloo to the Falklands in Obituaries. Ian Brunskill

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СКАЧАТЬ inducements to the Boers in the shape of land grants in return for active service in aid of their respective claims. The reason for his flight was also probably partly to be found in the dissatisfaction with which the late King regarded his treatment by the authorities while in the Reserve Territory. It was recently stated by a Natal paper, although it was most hostile to Cetywayo, that ‘all the King’s chiefs who were staying with him got notice to leave Ekowe, and on refusing to do so had their hut burnt down.’ This statement was confirmed from other sources, so that the number of chiefs who were forced from their homes in July last, and had since been in personal attendance upon him, were turned out of Ekowe; the followers allowed to remain with Cetywayo being limited to ten. In addition to this be was not permitted to have the presence of an English adviser, and he had been compelled to fall back upon his native counsellor.

      The death of Cetywayo at Ekowe relieves the Cabinet of one of its minor embarrassments. It was pointed out in the House of Commons last week that his presence in the Reserve was a standing menace to the peace of Zululand, and Mr. Chamberlain admitted that the difficulty of disposing of him in a satisfactory way would have to be dealt with by the Government. Decent burial is now all that the deposed monarch can require at our hands. On a former occasion his death was confidently announced, though our own Correspondent never gave any countenance to the rumour. But the scope for conjecture which existed when Cetywayo was beaten in a struggle of his own seeking exists no longer. As a refugee under British protection, jealously watched by British officials, all his movements must be authentically known and there can be no doubt that his turbulent and chequered career is really at an end.

      Cetywayo has played a much more important part than usually falls to the lot of a savage potentate, whatever his natural ability, and has succeeded in linking his name with the domestic no less than with the colonial history of England. For nearly a quarter of a century he wielded supreme power in Zululand, and by the extent of his military preparations and the unscrupulous character of his policy made himself the most conspicuous figure in South Africa. In the struggle which brought about his fall a serious defeat was inflicted upon a British army, the well-deserved reputation of Sir Bartle Frere, whose dangerous illness now excites the interest and sympathy of the country, received a shock, and the Conservative Cabinet suffered one of the blows which brought about its downfall. The policy which led up to the Zulu war as well as that subsequently followed in respect alike of Cetywayo and his country has not commanded the fervent admiration of any section of politicians. Considered as the centre and origin of long and bitter political controversy in England, Cetywayo will probably hold a position unique in the history of our dealings with barbarous races.

      In 1856 Cetywayo arrived at the conclusion that his father, Umpanda, ought to make provision for the succession to the throne. The King was old and feeble, and probably feared to excite the hostility of the unsuccessful candidates by nominating any one of his sons to succeed him. He accordingly made answer that with the Zulus the strongest man is king, thus practically inviting his unruly children to fight out the question among them. They were not slow to take the hint, and after several pitched battles between the rival factions Umeularte, the most formidable of Cetywayo’s antagonists, was defeated, and his adherents mercilessly slaughtered. Three of the brothers escaped into Natal and one into the Transvaal, leaving Cetywayo practically king. His father’s submission probably saved his life. Cetywayo graciously admitted that, though too old to fight or govern, he was still capable of thought, and thus he remained as a sort of privy councillor until his death in 1872.

      Cetywayo then thought that his position required the sanction of the white men in his vicinity, especially as it was open to the Natal Government or the Transvaal to recognize one of the other claimants to the succession. He accordingly asked both Natal and the Transvaal formally to assist at his installation as king, and Sir Theophilus Shepstone went on behalf of the Natal Government to confirm him in his position. It was stipulated, however, that in return for recognition he was to cease the murderous practices to which he was given, and that no Zulu should in future be condemned without fair trial, Considering the terms upon which he was received in this country in 1882, it would be agreeable to think that he adhered to the solemn promises by which he purchased English support. But, unhappily, after every allowance has been made for exaggeration, there is too good ground for believing that he broke faith in the most unblushing manner, and carried on his government with that total disregard for human life shown in his original usurpation.

      Far from reciprocating our friendship, he intrigued against us in every possible way, his machinations having been traced even on the borders of Cape Colony itself. However, he hated the Boers not less cordially than ourselves, and, notwithstanding all that can be said about the danger arising from his numerous and well drilled army, it has never been satisfactorily shown that our colonies were in any immediate peril. Unfortunately, we concentrated upon ourselves the hostility of the Zulus by taking over the government of the Transvaal, thus depriving them of an enemy who would have usefully diverted their attacks. From this step, prompted beyond doubt by the most humane desire to promote the well-being alike of Boers and English colonists, flowed the mischiefs which have since perplexed successive Governments in South Africa. If anything could have reconciled the Boers to the loss of their independence it would have been the perpetual fear of Zulu invasion. But that fear was allowed to influence our own policy to such an extent that the destruction of the Zulu power came to be regarded as indispensable. The annexation of the Transvaal had undoubtedly increased the dangers to which Natal was exposed, but it has never been shown as clearly as such an undertaking required that we had no alternative but to fight Cetywayo.

      We did fight him, however, broke up his army, took him prisoner, and finally divided Zululand into thirteen portions, each under the rule of a separate chief, and all supervised by a British Resident. This arrangement had hardly been made when it began to be vehemently assailed. Cetywayo in captivity at Cape Town, became an object of extraordinary and inexplicable interest to a great many good people at home. Impassioned speeches were made about him, accounts were telegraphed home showing the dignity, intelligence, and nobility of his demeanour, and philanthropists in no long time persuaded themselves that nothing but his restoration to the throne of his ancestors could wipe away the guilt of the Zula war. Some astute observer of the ways of men at length started the idea of bringing Cetywayo to England to have an interview with the Queen and to plead his right in person. He came over in the autumn of 1882. and took up his abode in Kensington. The British public received him with the greatest cordiality, and followed his movements with as much interest as if he had been a white elephant. By some process of reasoning which we confess our inability to elucidate, it came to be regarded as an indisputable political truth that, after receiving him in this effusive manner, we were bound in honour to restore him to his kingdom. His people were said to long for his return, the destruction of their national unity was represented as a crime, and sanguine philanthropists pointed to a golden future in which a monarch civilized by the gracious influences of Melbury Road should exercise his mild and beneficent sway over a regenerated nation. In January last year, accordingly, Cetywayo returned to his own land under the patronage of England, a certain number of chiefs being dispossessed of their brief authority in order to furnish him with a kingdom.

      He at once began to scheme for the restoration of his old position, and the state of Zululand became, in the language of the Queen’s Speech, ‘unsettled.’ In less than six months matters came to a crisis, and Cetywayo, notwithstanding the love of his people, was completely vanquished by his rival, and compelled to seek refuge in the Reserve territory, which had been prudently retained to act as a buffer. It was stated by the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies that even after this disaster he has never ceased to cherish hopes of recovering his kingdom or to carry on intrigues for that end, and it is even said that he recently ran away and had to be recaptured by a party of soldiers. Tried by European standards of morality, it must be admitted by all except very ardent lovers of aboriginal humanity that there were serious flaws in Cetywayo’s character, but we may cheerfully recognize the rude abilities required in his position, and an indomitable energy and courage. It is matter for regret that circumstances have made it impossible to think of his demise except in connexion with the relief it brings to our administrators in South Africa.

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