The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 5 (of 9). Томас Джефферсон

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СКАЧАТЬ called, however, in good time. Although we demand of England what is merely of right, reparation for the past, security for the future, yet as their pride will possibly, nay probably, prevent their yielding them to the extent we shall require, my opinion is, that the public mind, which I believe is made up for war, should maintain itself at that point. They have often enough, God knows, given us cause of war before; but it has been on points which would not have united the nation. But now they have touched a chord which vibrates in every heart. Now then is the time to settle the old and the new.

      I have often wished for an occasion of saying a word to you on the subject of the Emperor of Russia, of whose character and value to us, I suspect you are not apprized correctly. A more virtuous man, I believe, does not exist, nor one who is more enthusiastically devoted to better the condition of mankind. He will probably, one day, fall a victim to it, as a monarch of that principle does not suit a Russian noblesse. He is not of the very first order of understanding, but he is of a high one. He has taken a peculiar affection to this country and its government, of which he has given me public as well as personal proofs. Our nation being, like his, habitually neutral, our interests as to neutral rights, and our sentiments agree. And whenever conferences for peace shall take place, we are assured of a friend in him. In fact, although in questions of restitution he will be with England, in those of neutral rights he will be with Bonaparte and with every other power in the world, except England; and I do presume that England will never have peace until she subscribes to a just code of marine law. I have gone into this subject, because I am confident that Russia (while her present monarch lives) is the most cordially friendly to us of any power on earth, will go furthest to serve us, and is most worthy of conciliation. And although the source of this information must be a matter of confidence with you, yet it is desirable that the sentiments should become those of the nation. I salute you with esteem and respect.

      TO MR. GAINES

Washington, July 23, 1807.

      Thomas Jefferson has re-examined the complaints in the memorial from Tombigbee, and Mr. Gaines' explanation. The complaints are:

      1. That Mr. Gaines stopped a vessel having a legal permit.

      2. That he arrested Col. Burr militarily.

      3. That Mr. Small gave evidence against Col. Burr.

      4. That he, Mr. Small, refused a passport to a Mr. Feu.

      5. That he levies duties on Indian goods.

      6. That the people of that settlement have not the free use of the Mobile.

      2. That the arrest of Col. Burr was military has been disproved; but had it been so, every honest man and good citizen is bound, by any means in his power, to arrest the author of projects so daring and dangerous.

      3. This complaint, as well as the preceding one, would imply a partiality for Col. Burr, of which he hopes the petitioners were not guilty.

      5. The levy of duty on Indian goods is required by the laws of Congress.

      6. There has been a constant hope of obtaining the navigation by negotiation, and no endeavors has been spared. Congress has not thought it expedient as yet to plunge the nation into a war against Spain and France, or to obtain an exemption from the duty levied on the use of that river.

      1. On the subject of the first complaint, Mr. Gaines was giving a verbal explanation, which Thomas Jefferson asks the favor of him to repeat.

      4. On this subject, also, he asks any information Mr. Gaines can give; for though it is a matter of discretion, it should be exercised without partiality or passion. He salutes Mr. Gaines with esteem and respect.

      TO GOVERNOR CABELL

Washington, July 24, 1807.

      Sir,—Yours of the 20th has been duly received. The relation in which we stand with the British naval force within our waters is so new, that differences of opinion are not to be wondered at respecting the captives, who are the subject of your letter. Are they insurgents against the authority of the laws? Are they public enemies, acting under the orders of their sovereign? or will it be more correct to take their character from the act of Congress for the preservation of peace in our harbors, which authorizes a qualified war against persons of their demeanor, defining its objects, and limiting its extent? Considering this act as constituting the state of things between us and them, the captives may certainly be held as prisoners of war. If we restore them it will be an act of favor, and not of any right they can urge. Whether Great Britain will give us that reparation for the past and security for the future, which we have categorically demanded, cannot as yet be foreseen; but we have believed we should afford an opportunity of doing it, as well from justice and the usage of nations, as a respect to the opinion of an impartial world, whose approbation and esteem are always of value. This measure was requisite, also, to produce unanimity among ourselves; for however those nearest the scenes of aggression and irritation may have been kindled into a desire for war at short hand, the more distant parts of the Union have generally rallied to the point of previous demand of satisfaction and war, if denied. It was necessary, too, for our own interests afloat on the ocean, and under the grasp of our adversary; and, added to all this, Great Britain was ready armed and on our lines, while we were taken by surprise, in all the confidence of a state of peace, and needing time to get our means into activity. These considerations render it still useful that we should avoid every act which may precipitate immediate and general war, or in any way shorten the interval so necessary for our own purposes; and they render it advisable that the captives, in the present instance, should be permitted to return, with their boat, arms, &c., to their ships. Whether we shall do this a second, a third, or a fourth time, must still depend on circumstances. But it is by no means intended to retire from the ground taken in the proclamation. That is to be strictly adhered to. And we wish the military to understand that while, for special reasons, we restore the captives in this first instance, we applaud the vigilance and activity which, by taking them, have frustrated the object of their enterprise, and urge a continuance of them, to intercept all intercourse with the vessels, their officers and crews, and to prevent them from taking or receiving supplies of any kind; and for this purpose, should the use of force be necessary, they are unequivocally to understand that force is to be employed without reserve or hesitation. I salute you with great esteem and respect.

      TO GOVERNOR CABELL

Washington, July 27, 1807.

      Sir,—The Secretary at War having returned from New York, we have immediately taken up the question respecting the discharge of the militia, which was the subject of your two last letters, and which I had wished might remain undecided a few days. From what we have learnt of the conduct of the British squadron in the Chesapeake, since they have retired from Hampton Roads, we suppose that, until orders from England, they do not contemplate any further acts of hostility, other than those they are daily exercising, by remaining in our waters in defiance of the national authority, and bringing to vessels within our jurisdiction. Were they even disposed to make an attempt on Norfolk, it is believed to be sufficiently secured by the two frigates Cybele and Chesapeake, by the twelve gun-boats now there, and four more from Matthews county expected,—by the works of Fort Nelson; to all of which we would wish a company of artillery, of the militia of the place, to be retained and trained, putting into their hands the guns used at Fort Norfolk and Cape Henry, to cut off from these vessels all supplies, according to the injunctions of the proclamation, and to give immediate notice to Norfolk should any symptoms of danger appear,—to oppose which the militia of the borough and the neighboring counties should be warned to be in constant readiness to march at a moment's warning. Considering these provisions as quite sufficient for the safety of Norfolk, we are of opinion that it will be better immediately to discharge the body of militia now in service, both on that and the other side of James river. This is rendered expedient, not only that we may husband from the beginning those resources which will probably be put to a long СКАЧАТЬ