Maidan in Asia. Kazakhs and Arabs. Almaz Braev
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Название: Maidan in Asia. Kazakhs and Arabs

Автор: Almaz Braev

Издательство: Издательские решения

Жанр: Политика, политология

Серия:

isbn: 9785005683090

isbn:

СКАЧАТЬ (Remids, Zeremids), and the people if the people are obsessed with dark passions.

      Chapter 8

      The Infernal Wheel

      It’s time to decipher this phenomenon of Maidan suicide. The feeling that it is them, the Maidan agitators, will carry through, and there will be a bright future (or rather, personal business, things will get better, and all corrupt officials will be lustrated! After all, no one wants war; they don’t want victims, and they don’t want their blood, anyway.

      In Revcon, the term flotagia first appeared, namely, how market rules change a person’s traditional upbringing and culture. This does not mean that traditional people themselves are immune to the market. Rather, they don’t. The most accurate example of this was shown by the vote in the Bundestag, where Muslim migrants voted for same-sex marriage. In theory, they should have influenced white people with the strictness of their morals and upbringing. The market is a market; it absorbs everyone, both migrants and non-migrants: migrants and people in general, brought up traditionally, even faster, even faster than the same scoops (Soviet people) when traditional people lose everything they had in the form of culture and upbringing, in the form of traditional culture and traditional upbringing, of course. Most adherents of market civilization are former traditional people and collective farmers, to put it simply.

      And here’s why.

      In connection with the market and pressure on Russian-speaking moral speakers. Yes, not language, but morality – morality has changed in the former USSR. Principles have disappeared everywhere. Will a principled, integral person engage in corruption? Of course not. It is closer to the traditional culture and turns out to be a new pseudo-city corporation and a group of crypto-minded people. These are the very ones who did not get into the relatives or like-minded people for the accumulation of Zefa’s capital. They will naturally hate Nazarbayev and his people because they did not join the elite clans. Here they are – former officials, former bankers, and their people working for them fed by them will most likely desire the Maidan and lustration of their predecessors.

      Flotagia

      Flotagia is the replacement of principles with petty egoisms in most of the provincials, who did not know these very principles and did not have time to understand what it is. There are no principles, and there is no choice of means; there is a mad passion, just a crazy passion for being like Europeans. But this imitation is certainly mechanical and material, nothing more.

      Chapter 9

      Kazakh Maidan

      A former antimonopoly officer in the first government of independence, a “constructive” oppositionist in the past, today an obsessive pensioner once said: “The population of Kazakhstan is spread over a large territory.” Thus, Svoik complained about the problems of the local opposition. In the wilds of His subconscious, a thought was still wandering, painfully searching for the reason. Another colleague of Svoik in the opposition case, the well-known human rights activist Zhovtis in Kazakhstan, said: “Kazakhstan has a complex structure of society..” – Is that all you can? Nothing else?

      This is where the “old” brains and past resources of the opposition stop developing and don’t give to others (with the help of solidarity of several editors, including a fellow Svoik’s countryman). They’ve been saying the same thing for thirty years. But they don’t want to leave the political stage. Even similar Democrats accuse Elbasy 1 that he had been in power for thirty years. Every such speaker (and for me, they just are populists) guards his feeding territory, and Kazakhs still look such people in the mouth because former nomads love and trust old things in their apartments. Therefore, the new persons, the new Kazakh intelligentsia, cannot break through such demagogues.)

      And yet. A large territory really affects the much-anticipated riot, but everyone will see their own interest in the steppe fire. It is unlikely that the old Democrats with thirty years of experience will like who will benefit from the Kazakh Maidan. No one will listen to these pensioners anymore. But liberal intellectuals and such like them do not mean the resources of a large territory at all and the ability or possibility of a chain reaction after a riot at its center. And nothing else. Although I suspect I will repeat it again, they themselves do not understand what they are talking about. These are elderly oppositionists of advanced age. But they don’t want to give up the stage. (But nationalists replacing these talkers will simply not notice them then come)

      In fact, counting on the emotions of the crowd, flaring up like dry brushwood – these are just stamps of the past. All pensioners live and think that the sky is not blue and the grass is not green now, but before all be better.

      The fire that has broken out, so desirable for demagogues and populists, does not suit us because even pensioners live one day, and the petty ambitions of the townsfolk (how is it, these are not nomads, not Kazakhs? The market is crushing people, crushing them. Former Soviet intellectuals are no longer the people who swam in ready-made soup. Now, it’s a selfish little thing) They are not interested in what will happen next. We are only interested in it. We are interested in what will happen, how the fire will burn, and how the people will warm up after.

      This is just an introduction to explain that a large territory is not a panacea for the Maidan. Moreover, the days of pensioners from the democracy of the 90s in Kazakhstan have passed.

      Chapters 10—11

      Oligarch Ablyazov

      The oligarch Ablyazov, the former minister of the autocrat Yelbasy I) does not stop calling: “People come out against the regime!” He broadcasts from the outside and now lives in the West.

      There is nothing fundamental in his speech. First, the Kazakh politic should know their people well. This oligarch repeats a simple set of orange stamps. All Kazakh liberals are very similar: some have light faces, and others, as expected, are Asian. From such speakers comes dilettantism, which just stinks of ignorance. Are they Kazakhs or not Kazakhs? What difference does it make to us?

      Do the Liberal Democrats need the people? Yes, they need people as a means. They want to use the people to replenish their wealth or just change their fate. Protestant ethics entered the heads of these people rudely. That’s why these speakers say very cynical things. The people, the former nomads are actually not as stupid as they seem, although the regime has done everything to simplify the people. That’s why Ablyazov and his people are so confident. The main thing for them is to excite the crowd to revolt. Although the regime officials simplified the people for another purpose, the Kazakhs were always quiet during the so-called reforms. After all, the Kazakhs have never had a market democracy (yes, there was a military democracy, but this is completely different), so no one and nothing can excite the Kazakhs. How many years have opposition oligarchs been fighting in hysterics? Are the Democrats such, do you think? No, they are not Democrats. They just dressed in fashion. In fact, they were pushed away from power by Yelbasy I. While they were in power and enriched, they praised Elbasy I in a crowd of court hypocrites. This is Asia, don’t forget!

      All right, it’s the liberals. And what about the people? What are the motives for rebellion among ordinary people?

      After all, the regime did everything to deal only with ordinary people. There is really no intelligentsia. The last so-called Soviet intelligentsia has grown old (like the poet Olzhas Suleimenov), and it has nothing to say to people “infected” with market excitement. There is no СКАЧАТЬ