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      It had taken more than a fortnight for news of the battle to be conveyed to London from the waters near Gibraltar. The Franco-Spanish fleet, commanded by Admiral Villeneuve – a survivor of the Battle of the Nile – had left Cadiz three days prior to the action at Trafalgar on 21 October.

      Villeneuve was making for the Channel, where Napoleon intended to assemble an even larger navy to protect his projected invasion of Britain. Historians suspect that the French admiral knew he had lost the Emperor’s confidence and sailed in the hope of redeeming his reputation rather than await the arrival of the officer sent to replace him.

      When it was intercepted by Nelson, Villeneuve’s fleet outnumbered the British by 33 to 27 ships. However, the Englishman’s unorthodox tactics – slicing through the enemy line rather than sailing parallel to it – proved decisive. Villeneuve was taken prisoner, attended Nelson’s funeral and, after returning to France, was found stabbed to death in 1806. Doubts remain about the official verdict of suicide.

       THE ABOLITION OF SLAVERY

      24 February 1807

      His Lordship [Lord HOWICK] said, that he had seldom found himself under greater embarrassment than in rising to perform the duty imposed upon him on the present evening. So many details were pressing on him, that he should be fearful of trespassing at great length on the time of the House were it not that the subject was so well known, had been so often before the House, and had been so thoroughly investigated in all its points, and in all their bearings, that he hoped it would not be necessary for him to take up much of the time of the House in going into detail. At the same time the question was of such great importance, that he should be unwilling to let a discussion of it proceed, especially in this new Parliament, without stating the arguments, reasons and evidence, which ought to weigh with the House in contemplating this Bill. He was apprehensive of bringing forward too much, and much at a loss to know what parts to select, to save as much as possible the time of the House. The question, however, had recently received some very great disembarrassments; and, indeed, he was not aware at that moment that there was much disposition in any one to contest the necessity and propriety of the measure. He believed it was almost generally allowed that the traffic was fraught with cruelty and injustice, and that the results from it in Africa, were the most frightful miseries to the unhappy natives of that country. It had long been a source of encouragement to kidnapping and robbery, and had created incentives to the most barbarous murders; and, in every sense in which it could be viewed, it was a stain and a disgrace to civilized nations to continue it. From this part of the argument he was, therefore, in a great measure relieved: there was, however, one part of the question which deserved some observation, namely, that of carrying slaves to the West Indies, and it gave him great satisfaction to think, that the House had, on the present occasion, heard nothing from the Learned Counsel at the Bar, of the luxuries of the Middle Passage. These topics had now vanished, and he believed there was not a man in the House, who did not allow that the Middle Passage had been fraught with the most dreadful mischiefs. There had, he believed, been one or two individuals, who had differed from him on this subject; one of whom had even said, he was so well convinced of the propriety and policy of the Slave Trade, that he viewed it as a blessing to the Africans; and if there was no such traffic, he would himself propose to establish it. In another place it had been said, that it was justified by Scripture; but he was of opinion, that it was contrary to every principle of humanity, and every sentiment of the Christian religion. It could therefore, only be fairly said, that it existed in policy and justice, and not in humanity.