Child Protection in Boarding Schools in Ghana. Prospera Dzang-Tedam

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СКАЧАТЬ (2010), writing about the African perspective of childhood, puts forward the claim that childhood within the Ghanaian context is very much a social construction, in that traditionally, children were seen as reincarnations of people who lived and died in previous generations. This spiritual component was central to children showing respect, obedience and love to adults and older people within their communities. The extent to which this obedience, love and respect was demonstrated, differed from culture to culture, with different interpretations of how a reincarnated child is treated, socialised and embraced within the family and wider community.

      Twum-Danso (2010) adds to this argument by suggesting that any person who remains dependent on their parents or on other adults, is perceived to be a ‘child’. Her study of children’s participation rights in Ghana revealed, for example, that a 40-year-old person, who continued to rely on their parent was perceived to be a child, the operating factor here being one of dependency. This person would have to be submissive, respectful and loyal for as long as they are being looked after and cared for by their parent. This also means that such a person is unable to express their views or contribute to decision making as ‘they do not have the right to speak, but only to listen’ (p 136).

      The conclusion reached by Twum-Danso is that Ghanaian children’s participation is not one that is generally encouraged or supported by their parents; however, there are some indications of shift and progress in this area which she perceives as being a direct result of the implementation of the essence of the UNCRC.

      Children are not a homogenous group and are differentiated by gender, ethnicity, disability, age and religion, and language to mention a few. Childhood experiences differ for all children, both within and outside their families of origin. For Ghanaian children in boarding schools, their experiences will be different from their peers who attend day provision only, having to adapt to a new subculture outside their family of origin. Their experiences will also be differentiated by the type of boarding school they are enrolled in. We know, for example, that children attending faith-linked schools have additional requirements linked to the particular faith. A boarding school based on Catholic values, for example, may require the children to attend mass in the morning, pray before meals and at the start of lessons, at intervals during the day and before bed at night. This system will not be the same for children in other boarding schools although it is acknowledged that all schools will have their bespoke operating parameters.

Childhood as a Social Construct

      Childhood, as suggested by McKie and Cunningham-Burley (2005, p74), is experienced ‘differentially across social class, localities and time’. This assertion very much lends itself to the social constructionist thinking which is relevant to any discussion about children. Constructs of social class, localities and time will be significant for Ghanaian parents, whose own experiences of childhood and how these experiences have influenced the bringing up of their own children will be a key influence on how they construct their children’s participation in matters affecting them. Social constructionism according to Burr (2003) refers to seeing the world from the point of view of the observer, determined by history and culture. Regarding childhood, a social constructionist view by Ghanaian parents could take into account the family’s’ ethnic origin, settlement, cultural, spiritual, religious and linguistic influences.

      Owing to the varied cultures and belief systems in Ghana, children are deemed as belonging to either the father’s lineage or the mother’s lineage for the purposes of funerals and inheritance (Hanson, 2004).

      Among the Akan tribal group of Ghana, for example, children are said to belong to their mothers and so this means that children born to Akan families are expected to relate more closely with members from their mother’s side of the family than their fathers side of the family. Children from this tribe inherit financially and materially from their maternal uncles in the event of death (Hanson 2004). This will assist in determining a child’s identity, which side of the family they lean towards and ultimately, the definition of childhood within that context.

      Twum-Danso (2010) found that parents who form close bonds with their children are more likely to involve them in family decision-making, and it would be interesting for further research to be conducted about the extent to which children are involved in the decision to attend boarding school.

      Qvortrup (1994) however, cautions us not to rely too heavily on the context of childhood; otherwise there is the risk of prioritising what is unique over what could be considered as common. This could also imply the lack of guidelines in identifying any common features of childhood. This caution by Qvortrup, whilst interesting, poses a number of dilemmas for us as authors.

      In this 21st century, the nature of childhood has continued to change, influenced by advances in technological know-how and consumerism. Children have and are influenced by modern technology including Televisions, PlayStations, IPods, I-pads, mobile phones, laptop computers and so on. Palmer (2006) refers to this as ‘toxic childhood’, where media plays a role in influencing children to own technology which can impact on their development. It has also been suggested by some commentators that although the use of technology is not necessarily a negative thing, children can become addicted to playing games thus causing them to lead sedentary, inactive and unhealthy lives.

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       Chapter 6Education in Ghana

      The Ministry of Education (MoE), through the Ghana Education Service (GES), is responsible for all formal and non-formal education, including Early Childhood Care and Development (ECCD) for children over the age of five. The government’s commitment to education is enshrined in the 1992 Constitution, which guarantees that basic education shall be free, compulsory and available to all, and that secondary and higher education shall be made generally available. Basic education in Ghana comprises two years of kindergarten, six years of primary and three years of junior secondary school making a total of eleven years (UNICEF 2011). There have been many changes over the last 20 years to the education system in Ghana which has been argued by some to be both a blessing and a curse, receiving mixed reactions from its citizens.

      A major concern highlighted by the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child is the widespread use of corporal punishment in schools. A recent study conducted with UNICEF support found that 94 percent of surveyed school children either experienced or witnessed corporal punishment in school. Such a finding gives impetus for the consideration of employing social workers in schools.

      Addai-Mununkum (2014) outlines the development of religious education in Ghana and focusses on the changes which newer reforms to education brought (6 changes between 1920 and 2002) largely because stakeholders did not want to be accused of prioritising any one religion/faith over another.

Age and Education in Ghana

      It is important to highlight the relevance of age within the context of childhood, education and educational opportunities in Ghana.

      Unlike many European countries, Ghana historically did not provide education based on age-related characteristics. Apart from the fact that this was difficult to do logistically and practically, access to education was also seen as a decision to be made by the family and not an imposition by governments and/or educational institutions. Such a situation provides a rationale for the difference in approaches to education and access in Ghana and indeed most of sub-Saharan Africa. Dunne and Ananga (2013) found that in some rural communities in Ghana, children as old as 8 or 9 years enrolled into Class 1 (Year 1) of primary school. Indeed, the decision for a family to enrol their child in school is taken alongside a range of other considerations. СКАЧАТЬ