Connected: The Amazing Power of Social Networks and How They Shape Our Lives. James Fowler

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СКАЧАТЬ trained to provide “service with a smile,” their customers report feeling more satisfied, and they leave better tips.⁵ People’s emotions and moods are affected by the emotional states of the people they interact with. Why and how does this happen?

      We might consider another question first: Why aren’t emotions merely internal states? Why don’t we just have our own private feelings? Having feelings is surely evolutionarily advantageous to us. For example, the ability to feel startled is probably good for us in situations where we need to react quickly to survive. But we do not just feel startled, we show that we are startled. We jump or shriek or curse or clench, and these actions do not go unnoticed. They are copied by others.

      Given the organization of early hominids into social groups, the spread of emotions served an evolutionarily adaptive purpose.⁶ Early humans had to rely on one another for survival. Their interactions with the physical environment (weather, landscape, predators) were modulated or affected by their interactions with their social environment. Humans bonded with others in order to face the world more effectively, and mechanisms evolved to support this bonding, most obviously verbal communication but also emotional mimicry. The development of emotions in humans, the display of emotions, and the ability to read the emotions of others helped coordinate group activity by three means: facilitating interpersonal bonds, synchronizing behavior, and communicating information.

      Emotions and emotional contagion probably first arose to facilitate mother-infant pair bonding and then evolved to extend to kin members and ultimately to nonkin members. Emotional contagion fosters interaction synchrony. At the level of mother-child pairs, emotional contagion may have prompted mothers to be more attentive to and protective of their babies when their babies needed attention. Indeed, we are sadder when our family members are sad than when strangers are sad. There is an advantage in coordinating our moods with those to whom we are related.

      Eventually this type of synchrony in mood or activity may have been beneficial for larger group activities, such as warding off enemies or hunting prey. If you are trying to coordinate a hunting party, it helps if members of the group are all upbeat and fired up. Conversely, if you are part of a group and someone in it appears afraid, perhaps that person has seen a predator that you have not seen. Quickly adopting his emotional state can enhance your prospects for survival. Indeed, it is thought that positive emotions may work especially well to increase group cohesiveness (“I’m happy; stay with me”) and that negative emotions may work well as communication devices (“I smell smoke; I’m scared”).

      Emotions may be a quicker way to convey information about the environment and its relative safety or danger than other forms of communication, and it seems certain that emotions preceded language. What emotions lack in specificity compared to oral language, they may make up for in speed. You can tell whether your spouse is mad at you very quickly, but having her explain it to you may take a good deal more time (especially if she insists that you guess why she is mad before she tells you). You can walk through the door at home at the end of the day and immediately know whether the environment is safe or dangerous, and that is quite a trick our ancestors bequeathed us.

      Of course, rapidly coordinated emotions are not always a good thing. If you come home and are in a bad mood, your partner will often detect it long before you resort to the more laborious process of explaining why you are in a bad mood. And before you have a chance to explain, she might already have caught your bad mood, which may lead to an argument and a downward spiral.

      Emotional Contagion

      Emotions spread from person to person because of two features of human interaction: we are biologically hardwired to mimic others outwardly, and in mimicking their outward displays, we come to adopt their inward states. If your friend feels happy, she smiles, you smile, and in the act of smiling you also come to feel happy. In bars and bedrooms, at work and on the street, everywhere people interact, we tend to synchronize our facial expressions, vocalizations, and postures unconsciously and rapidly, and as a result we also meld our emotional states.

      Nowhere do we show our emotions more than on our faces. It is not difficult to explain why our facial expressions change in response to environmental stimuli or how this may be evolutionarily adaptive. Recent research, for example, has provided insight into how two facial expressions, fear and disgust, moderate our reception of sensations coming from the outside world.⁷ When we are terrified, our eyes widen and our nostrils flare to help us see and smell more of our surroundings, just as the ears of a dog perk up when it hears something interesting. Similarly, when we are disgusted, such as by an offensive odor, our noses wrinkle and our eyes narrow to reduce the impact. Air intake increases when we are afraid and decreases when we are disgusted.

      Yet, facial expressions appear to have evolved not just to modify our experience of the world as individuals but as a way to communicate with others. Over time, this aspect of facial expressions probably eclipsed their original role. Such changes happen often in evolution. Feathers may have arisen merely to insulate the bodies of prehistoric reptiles, but they wound up contributing to a different and more important advantage, the ability to fly.

      We developed an ability to read the facial expressions of others. Hence, we benefit when our own faces are contorted in disgust and by being able to notice whether others’ faces are contorted in disgust. Humans have an extraordinary knack for detecting even small changes in facial expressions. This ability is localized in a particular area of the brain and can even be lost, a condition tongue-twistingly known as prosopagnosia. Reading the expressions of others was probably a key step on the way toward synchronizing feelings and developing the emotional empathy that underlies the process of emotional contagion.

      Even as early as 1759, it was apparent to founding economist and philosopher Adam Smith that conscious thought was one way we could feel for others and hence feel like others: “Though our brother is upon the rack…by the imagination we place ourselves in his situation, we conceive ourselves enduring all the same torments, we enter as it were into his body, and become in some measure the same person with him, and thence form some idea of his sensations, and even feel something which, though weaker in degree, is not altogether unlike them.”⁸

      However, emotions spread in ways beyond simply reading faces and thinking about the experiences of others. There is actually a more primitive, less deliberative process of emotional contagion, a kind of instinctive empathy. People imitate the facial expressions of others, then, as a direct result, they come to feel as others do. This is called affective afference, or the facial-feedback theory, since the path of the signals is from the muscles (of the face) to the brain, rather than the more usual, efferent pathway from the brain to the muscles. The beneficial effects of facial expressions on a person’s mood are among the reasons, for example, that telephone operators are trained to smile when they work, even though the person at the other end of the line cannot see them. This theory also explains why it helps to smile when your heart is breaking.

      One biological mechanism that makes emotions (and behaviors) contagious may be the so-called mirror neuron system in the human brain.⁹ Our brains practice doing actions we merely observe in others, as if we were doing them ourselves. If you’ve ever watched an intense fan at a game, you know what we are talking about—he twitches at every mistake, aching to give his own motor actions to the players on the field. When we see players run, jump, or kick, it is not only our visual cortex or even the part of our brain that thinks about what we are observing that is activated, but also the parts of our brain that would be activated if we ourselves were running, jumping, or kicking.

      In one experiment related to emotional contagion, subjects СКАЧАТЬ